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^''''^''y^ 'V*'^*'%o'^ %''*!^*V^ "V**^ 



NORTHMEN IN MAINE, 



^mn §iUfa>ts<;c lU ^inwU^m, 



DISCOVERER OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 

IS4*- 



Alfonte ayant fuivji plus de vingt et vingt am 
Par mille et mille men Vur> et Vauire Neptune, 
Et fouvent defi'e Vune et rautre fortune, 
Mefmes dedans les fans des goufrcs aho/ans. 
Ore it tourne la voile, a la faveur der vans. 
En une heureiife route a nut autre commune. 
Et le jour defiri il veoit dejfus fa hune 
Luire avec tous fes rats et le flots fahaiffans. 
Les fiots font Us matins, qu mefme apris fa mitrt 
Le vouldroient ajfailtir jufquc dedans le port : 
Vancre, c efi fon fcavoir qui doultle leur refifie : 
Mais le mas, eflcv'e en figne de fon nom, 
Eftevera tousjours dans tc Ctrl fon renom 
Tant qu'it auraThonneur que plus grand il merile 

By Melin de Saint- Gelais en Fhonneur 
d'AUfonfce, 1559. 



pa0t:tbmett in Paitu; 



CRITICAL EXAMINATION 



VIE^VS EXPRESSED IN CONNECTION WITH THE 
SUBJECT, BY DR. J. H. KOHL, 



VOLUME I OP THE NEW SERIES OP THE MAINE 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



TO WHICH AEE ADDED 



CRITICISMS ON OTHER PORTIONS OF THE WORK. 



AND A CHAPTER ON THE 



Rev. B. F: DeCOSTA, ^^*^^ 

AUTHOR OF THE PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 
BY THE NORTHMEN, ETC., ETC. 




ALBANY : ^ 
JOEL MUNSELL 

1870. 



V\Ay. W«^ Vy\^, 



")"■ 

^ 



^'^^^ 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



The following papers were prepared with reference to 
their publication in one of the leading periodicals ; but 
a further consideration of the subject led to the opinion 
that a separate presentation would more effectually 
secure the object which the author had in view. The 
papers are, nevertheless, sent forth nearly in their 
original form. 

Stuyvesant Park. 

New York, September, 1869. 



NORTHMEN IN MAINE 



The new volume of the Maine Historical 
Society, containing as it does no less than 
twenty-six ancient maps relating to the coast 
of America, forms a valuable companion to 
the student of history located at a distance 
from the large libraries. And yet the vo- 
lume is open to serious criticism. One 
naturally feels that this is entering upon 
an unwelcome task, especially as the author 
is a foreigner and a distinguished scholar. 
For the talents and attainments of Dr. Kohl 
we entertain high admiration, and yet errors 
coming from such a source are doubly inju- 
rious, and, more than all others, demand refu- 
tation. Indeed, it is quite evident from the 
distinguished author's laborious efforts to set 



6 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

forth the truth of history that he will not 
object to the essays of others, even when the 
result may displace his own conclusions. 

With these remarks, offered to obviate any 
possible misunderstanding of the writer's 
motives, let us proceed to examine the work 
of the latter, especially in its relation to the 
Northmen and the State of Maine. 

The only expedition of the Northmen 
which Dr. Kohl tries to connect with Maine 
is that of the distinguished Icelander, Thor- 
finn Karlsefne. Let us, therefore, hear what 
he says, keeping in mind the fact that Dr. 
Kohl and the writer agree perfectly in re- 
gard to the locality of the places referred to 
in the sagas, accepting Markland as Nova 
Scotia, Kialarness as Cape Cod, and so on to 
the end. With this preliminary remark, let 
us hear what Dr. Kohl says. On page 71 of 
his work, he writes as follows of the voyage 
of Karlsefne, which was begun in 1007, in- 
stead of 1008: 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 7 

"From Markland (Nova Scotia), they did 
not go out to the open sea, through the broad 
part of the Gulf of Maine, as had been done 
on the former expeditions ; but they coasted 
along a great way ' to tlie south-west, having 
the land always on their starboard ' until they 
at length came to Kialarness (Cape Cod)," 
This is supplemented by the remark : 

" Thorfinn and Gudrida, in following this 
track, probably wished to find the place 
where Thorwald had been buried, and his 
crosses erected, which they of course knew 
were to be found on the coast toward the 
north of Cape Cod." 

Consequently, he arrives at the conclusion 
that : " We have here the first coasting 
voyage of European navigators along the 
shores of Maine." 

Now it must be observed, first, that this 
alleged voyage involved a large departure 
from the direct course. The expeditionists 
were sailing to Vinland, Massachusetts and 



8 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

Rhode Island, being in small vessels, with 
live stock on board, and everything necessary 
to found a colony. This being so, they 
would not deviate from their course without 
o-ood reason. Dr. Kohl felt this, and hence 
suggests a motive for the alleged departure. 
He, as already quoted, says that in "follow- 
ing this track, Thorfinn wished to find the 
place where Thorwald had been buried." 
This person was killed four years previous, 
but why would they desire to find the spot? 
Thorfinn had just been married, and it is 
not very likely that his wife would desire to 
take him now on a pilgrimage to her brother- 
in-law's grave. Her first husband had en- 
deavored to bring home Thorwald's body to 
Greenland, yet this expedition did not pro- 
pose anything of the kind. 

It was also definitely settled that they 
should proceed to the spot where Leif had 
already built houses in Vinland. There was, 
therefore, no reason or propriety in sailing 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 9 

first to visit the grave of Thorwald. Yet 
this is the only motive suggested. It is 
hardly necessary to say that it was utterly 
insufficient. 

But now, for the sake of the argument, 
supposing Thorfinn had been influenced by 
this motive, is it likely that he would have 
taken the course alleged? Dr. Kohl says, 
that " they of course knew that the crosses 
marking Thorwald's grave, were to be found 
on the coast towards the north of Cape Cod." 
But here he is at variance, not only with 
the sagas, but with liimself. According to 
his own statement, the fight in which Thor- 
wald was killed, took place " near the harbor 
of Boston," and it is said in the saga that 
his body was carried back southward to a 
cape and buried ; to this Dr. Kohl necessarily 
assents. This cape, " Crossness," was proba- 
bly Gurnet Point, Plymouth, as generally 
conceded. At all events the burial place 
was south of Boston and loest of Cape Cod, 



10 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

and yet Dr. Kohl tells us that they " of 
course, knew that the crosses were on the 
coast, towards the north of Cape Cod," and 
pictures them sailing along the Maine 
shore, with their e^^es upon the coast in 
search of the crosses of Thorwald. This is 
what no sensible man like Thorfinn Karl- 
sefne would be guilty of, especially when we 
remember Dr. Kohl's own words, where he 
says, " they no doubt had some of Thorwald's 
former companions on board." These people 
well understood that in order to reach the 
grave of Thorwald they must sail direct for 
Kialarness, the end of Cape Cod, and then 
push on to the west. Cape Cod was their 
first land-fall in seeking Crossness (Gurnet 
Point), which being the case, we have no 
reason to suppose that they sailed along the 
coast of Maine searching for crosses that they 
h7iew were not there. 

There is, therefore, nothing in the motive 
urged, or the course alleged to have been fol- 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 11 

lowed, which leads to the belief that, " we 
have here the first coasting voyage of Euro- 
pean navigators along the coast of Maine." 

But is there anything in the language of 
the narrative which implies that on this 
occasion they sailed out of the ordinary 
course ? 

Dr. Kohl assumes this to be so, yet we 
must examine the authority. We quote his 
language again : " They coasted along a 
great way ' to the south-west, liaving the land 
always on their starhoard,' until they came 
to Kialarness." As authority for this, we 
have, in a note, a Danish translation of the 
original Icelandic, yet neither this Danish 
translation, nor the original, bears out the 
English of Dr. Kohl. [Antiq. Amer., p. 139). 

But we must note farther, that he says 
Thorfinn sailed south-west a long way " until 
they at length came to Kialarness." Much 
is made to depend upon the word "until," 
it being required in order to make perfectly 



12 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

sure that they coasted along the shores of 
Maine, and thus gave us this " first voyage." 
But "until," in the Icelandic is ok. Rafn 
in his Danish, gives og, and in the Latin et, 
simply and. If the Icelandic ok meant 
" until," we should require in the Danish 
indtif, and in the Latin utque. But the 
original ok is plain, and the word used, 
"until," is unwarrantable. 

It is said, it will be observed, that they 
sailed from Markland (Nova Scotia), to the 
south-west, having the land " always on the 
starboard." And this " always " is needed 
in order to make the expedition appear to be 
running down the Maine coast. But the 
Icelandic simply says that " the land was on 
the right" {La landit a Stjoi-n), which is 
rendered by Rafn, Terra ah dextro navis 
laiere jacuit. The Danish was before Dr. 
Kohl's eyes on his own page, and to exactly 
the same effect. Hence, where does he get 
the "always" ? It is simply imagined. 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 13 

Yet even this is not all, for in Dr. Kohl's 
account the several parts of the sentence 
are put out of their right relation. A fair 
translation would read thus : 

" They sailed long southward by the land, 
and came to a cape ; the land lay on the 
right." This is the order and punctuation 
of the original; from which it appears that 
they sailed an indefinite distance mid came 
to a cape ; which, being done, they found 
that the land then lay upon their right. 
This, it will be perceived, is a very different 
thing from saying, that they sailed along by 
the land to the cape (Cape Cod), with the 
land always upon their right. In the latter 
case they must have followed the shores, and 
therefore coasted along the shores of Maine, 
while in the former it is not necessary. 

But, perhaps, it may be thought that the 
language after all fairly bears the construction 
placed upon it, when properly translated. 
We read : " They sailed long south by the 



14 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

land, and came to a cape ; the land lay on 
the right." One might say that the land 
which " lay on the right," was a part of the 
coast that they sailed by, yet the grammati- 
cal construction does not require it, while 
the elliptical construction of Icelandic narra- 
tive will not permit it. Before the words, 
" and came to a cape," there should be a full 
stop. This would give the sense more 
clearly, as now, things that we shall yet see to 
be perfectly distinct, are loosely run together. 
But what is still worse for this interpreta- 
tion, is the fact that the interpretation pro- 
posed is totally unsuited to a description of 
a voyage from Nova Scotia down the coast of 
Maine ; for, after rounding Cape Sable, they 
would be obliged to sail northward, and 
cross the bay of Fundy, where they would 
lose the land for a long distance, or else cut 
clear of the land altogether, and sail west by 
north about two hundred miles to the region 
of the Kennebec. The language, therefore, 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 15 

is totally unsuited to meet the wants of this 
alleged coasting voyage of Europeans on the 
coast of Maine, as the map proves. 

It will be perceived that in all that has 
gone before I have met Dr. Kohl on his own 
ground, and allowed that when Thorfinn 
sailed south to Kialarness (Cape Cod), he 
started "from Markland " (Nova Scotia). 
But there is still another error that lies at 
the bottom of all the rest. Dr. Kohl says, 
in his haste, that they sailed "from Mark- 
land," whereas they did not sail from " Mark- 
land." 

Let us hear what the saga says. After 
mentioning the fact that Thorfinn Karlsefne's 
expedition first touched Helluland (Labra- 
dor), it goes on to say: " Then they sailed 
a day and a night in a southerly course, and 
came to a land covered with woods, in which 
there were many wild beasts. Beyond this 
land to the south-east lay an island on which 
they slew a bear. They called the island 



16 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

Bear Island, and the land Markland. Thence 
they sailed south long by the land, and 
came to a cape ; the land lay on the right 
side," etc. {Antiq. Amer., p. 138). 

It therefore appears that the last place 
touched at was not Markland, but the island, 
and that from thence they sailed southward. 
And the importance of this correction will 
be evident, when we see that the right inter- 
pretation of the whole passage depends upon 
it. In fact, it gives a new point of departure. 
Therefore, where was this island? The lo- 
cation depends upon the part of Nova Scotia 
upon which they landed. It is said that it 
lay south-west of Markland, and hence it 
must have been one of the many islands, 
that lie along the coast. And supposing, 
as we reasonably may, that they touched 
first on or near the northern half of Nova 
Scotia, we then have a long coast for them to 
sail past, after they left the outlying island. 
It would not indeed give them the land 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 17 

" always " on the right " until " they came 
to the cape (Cape Cod), as Dr. Kohl says, 
yet we have already shown that nothing 
like the equivalent of these words are 
to be found in the original. As w^e have 
also observed, the saga is elliptical in its style, 
and that the punctuation of the printed Ice- 
landic text required a period before the words, 
" and came to a cape." The simple truth is, 
that they sailed, not " from Markland," as 
Dr. Kohl so hastily concludes, but from the 
isle called " Bear Island," having the coast 
of Markland (Nova Scotia), on their right 
for a long way ; after which they left it, and 
next struck the coast of Cape Cod, leaving 
Maine and New Hampshire undiscovered far 
on the right. It is therefore perfectly clear 
that this, the first alleged coasting voyage 
by Europeans on the Maine coast never 
took place. Yet lest any one should be dis- 
posed to raise a quibble, I will produce 
another testimony, by means of which alone, 



18 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

the question might have been settled at the 
start; yet it was due to the subject to view it 
from every point of view, and hence I have 
delayed the testimony referred to until now. 

The distinguished German, in his discus- 
sion of Karlsefne's voyage, has Ijased his 
theory upon what is called " The Narrative 
of Thorfinn Karlsefne," written in Iceland, 
and preserved in the Arnm-Magnean Collec- 
tion. Bat fortunately we have another 
version, contained in the Saga of Eric the 
Red, which makes still clearer what the first 
narrative may, to some, seem to leave in 
doubt. This is called, " The Account of 
Thorfinn." It was written in Greenland, 
and is of equal value with the other. 

In order to set the question in its final 
aspect before the reader, we give the passage 
from " The Account of Thorfinn," which is 
parallel with that already examined. After 
stating the departure from Helluland (Nova 
Scotia), the language is as follows : 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 19 

" They came to a land in which there 
were great woods and many animals. South- 
east, opposite the land, lay an island. Here 
they found a bear, and called the island Bear 
Island. This land where there were woods, 
they called Markland. After a voj^age of a 
day and a night ^ they discovered (or saw), 
land, and they sailed near the land, and saw 
that it was a cape. They kept close to the 
shore with the wind on the right (starboard) 
side, and left (or had?) the land upon the right 
side of the ship." 

Now by a careful comparison it will be 
seen that this version harmonizes com- 
pletely with the first, and at the same time 
shows, with greater distinctness, that they 
left the land at Nova Scotia, after sailing by 
it some time, and saw the land again fii'st 
at Cape Cod. Thus this alleged voyage 
disappears. 



^ The long da}' is here meant. 



20 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

We finally have to notice what Dr. Kohl 
has to say about Thorhall, who was in the 
expedition of Karlsefne, and who left the 
latter at the Rhode Island settlement to go 
around Cape Cod. Dr. Kohl falls into error 
at the outset, saying that " Thorfinn had 
sent to the north from Straumfiord (Buz- 
zard's Bay), his man, Thorhall the Hunter." 
The truth is, however, that we have no in- 
timation of Thorhall being " sent." On the 
contrary, this episode appears to have been 
against the wishes of Thorfinn. 

In summing up the result of Thorhall's 
voyage. Dr. Kohl is equally unfortunate, and 
says, that he made his exploring expedition 
" to the northern parts of Vinland (coast of 
Maine)." But the narrative simply says (in 
two versions), that Thorhall "sailed north 
to go around Wonder Strand and Kialarness 
[Cape Cod], but when he wished to sail 
westward [towards Plymouth, Mass.], they 
were met by a storm and driven back." 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 21 

Thus he did not even weather Race Point, 
Provincetown, and yet we are told that he 
made an expedition to the " coast of Maine," 
(p. 80). 

Afterwards, when Thorhall did not return, 
having been forced to run for the coast of 
Ireland, Thorfinn went in search of him. 
This voyage northward, from Rhode Island, 
Dr. Kohl also, unluckily, turns into an expe- 
dition to Maine, though he does not say how 
far they went, only remarking that it " might 
have been somewhere in the inner parts of 
the gulf of Maine." 

Nevertheless we very well know that 
Thorfinn did not go near Maine, nor even 
far north of Boston. The saga says that he 
" sailed northward [from Rhode Island], 
past Kialarness, and then westward [to Ply- 
mouth shore], and the land was upon their 
larboard (left) side." They finally reached 
a river, where they anchored, and then went 
northward again. Dr. Kohl says we do not 



22 THE JSrORTHMElSr IN MAINE. 

know how far, but that the point reached 
might have been " somewhere in the innei- 
parts of the Gulf of Maine " (p. 76). Never- 
theless his ovm quotation from the saga inti- 
mates, on the contrary, that they know how 
far north they went, saying, " all these tracts 
to the north were continuous with those in 
the south, and that it was all one and the 
same country." 

Now this extract shows that there was 
something in the physical character of the 
country which enabled the Northmen to per- 
ceive its identity with the country of Maine. 
Yet, supposing with Dr. Kohl they had 
reached the coast of Maine, which lies on the 
" inner part " of the " gulf," what is there to 
be seen by which they could infer that it 
was "all one and the same country " with that 
" at Hop " ? Evidently, nothing ; and, there- 
fore, the inference of Karlsefne, if made on 
the Maine coast, would have had no force. 
And yet there was something in the physical 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. Z6 

character of the country between that and 
the place where they were, which, like a 
thread running through a piece of French 
print, being now the eye of a beast, and now 
the petal of a rose, was easily recognized. 
What therefore was this feature ? This was 
nothing less than a mountain range, which is 
not hinted at in Dr. Kohl's glaringly false 
translation above given. A true translation 
would run : " They considered the mountain 
range that was at Hop, and that which they 
now found as all one." The Icelandic word 
translated " tracts" by Dr. Kohl is Fjdll, the 
equivalent of which in Danish is Fjeld- 
strcehiing, or mountain range, inadequately 
expressed in the Latin montes. Therefore, in 
order to learn how far they went, we 
have only to ascertain how far the range 
beginning at Mount Hope bay (Hop), ex- 
tends northward. Any good county map 
settles this question, and reveals the fact 
that the range ends in the Milton Blue hills, 



24 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

seen from the vicinity of Boston Harbor, and 
mentioned in Blunt's Coast Pilot. Therefore 
tlie northward limit of this voyage must he fixed 
in the latitude of Boston. Antiq. Amer., p. xxxv. 
That Thorfinn and his men were tho- 
roughly qualified to give an opinion, appears 
from the fact that the summer before, they 
had " decided to explore all the mountains 
in Hop ; which done^' the saga continues, 
" they went and passed the third winter in 
Straumfiord " (Buzzard's bay) . They also 
state in connection with the fact that the 
range seen was " all one " with that at Hop, 
that it also " appeared to be of equal length 
from Straumfiord to both places," a judg- 
ment also seen to be tolerably correct, from 
Rafn's map, which makes the three points 
mentioned nearly the points of a triangle. 
The narrative it therefore perfectly consistent 
and clear. The river that they entered was 
probably near Scituate harbor, and when 
they drew northward to the vicinity of 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 25 

Boston, Blue Hill range plainly appeared, 
and was easily recognized as a part of the 
mountain range that they had already ex- 
plored by land from the south. 

Thus, by a legitimate rendering of the 
language of the sagas, the alleged voyages of 
the Northmen upon and to the coast of 
Maine in the eleventh century totally disap- 
pear. If they made any voyages at a later 
period, which is not impossible, they left no 
record of the fact, and the " first Europeans " 
who coasted those shores, must be looked for 
elsewhere than among the Northmen. 

In conclusion we have to notice several 
points not immediately connected with Maine, 
which nevertheless serve to show how hastily 
the whole subject was disposed of. 

Dr. Kohl says (p. 77), " It is not quite 
clear, but it appears to me probable,^ that a 



1 Elsewhere (p. 478), he says, " Their colonies in 
America, first in Vinland and Markland, then in Green- 
land, declined." 

4 



26 THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 

party of his [Karlsefne's] men remained be- 
hind and continued the settlement." For 
this statement there is no authority what- 
ever. When the second summer of his sojourn 
in Vinland came, Karlsefne decided to 
abandon the undertaking. The following 
year the whole party left. (Antiquitates Ameri- 
cmiw, p. 156). The statements all agree to 
this effect, and we have information in re- 
gard to the departure of each of the three 
ships. Moreover, when Freydis fitted out 
her expedition, which took place on the year 
of Karlsefne's return, she stipulated with 
Leif that she should have the use of the 
empty houses in Vinland which he had 
built. On the arrival of Freydis she took 
possession, and the whole account gives ad- 
ditional proof that Karlsefne left none of his 
party behind. 

Again, Dr. Kohl says (p. 83), " This priest 
[Bishop Eric], is said to have sailed to Vin- 
land for missionary purposes." But by ichom 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 27 

is he " said " to have sailed for this purpose ? 
All that we have about this voyage is the 
simple statement, that, in the year 1121, 
Bishop Eric went to " search " for or " seek 
out," Vinland [Antiquitates Americance, p. 
261). From this statement it has been un- 
fortunately argued that a settlement existed in 
New England at the time, and that Eric went 
to superintend ecclesiastical affairs. With this 
fancy as a foundation, Prof. Rafn, in his 
early enthusiasm, connected the Newport 
Mill with the ancient colonists, and indulged 
in the belief that the structure in question 
was a baptistery. (See Supplement to Antiqui- 
tates Americance). This was only a fancy, 
as the language of the statement implies that 
the knowledge of Vinland was lost. 

Again it said (page 78), that " Freydisa and 
her companions got into trouble and disa- 
greement, probably about the profits of the 
undertaking. They came to arms, and the 
two brothers, Helge and Finnboge, were 



28 THE NOETHMEN IN MAINE. 

slain in a fight." But here again Dr. Kohl 
shows only a portion of the truth. There is 
not the slightest grounds for the supposition 
that they quarreled about the " profits." 
The ill feeling began by Freydis' violation 
of the compact that the ships should carry an 
equal number of men. Again, on reaching 
Yinland there was a quarrel about the pos- 
session of the houses, Freydis claiming their 
exclusive use. Then, when winter came, 
they quarreled in the midst of their games, 
which were abandoned. Eventually she 
complained to her husband that Finnboge 
and Helge had struck and abused her. Ac- 
cordingly Thorwald, her husband, went with 
his men early one morning to the huts of the 
two brothers, seized them and their company 
in their beds, bound them and led them out 
and murdered them. The women of Finn- 
boge's party were slain by Freydis herself, 
as the humanity of her followers would not 
permit them to go farther in this horrible 



THE NORTHMEN IN MAINE. 29 

butchery. Freydis returned and reported the 
brothers and their company lost, and thus 
possessed herself of property that was not 
rightfully hers (see Pi^e- Columbian Disccyvery, 
pp. 77-80, and Antiquitates Americance, pp. 
65-72). 

After failing thus on points where there 
is such abundant testimony, it is easy to 
understand how he would have obtained a 
wrong impression on points that are some- 
what critical. 



THE CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 



While there is much in the work of Dr. 
Kohl that justifies criticism, it is nevertheless 
gratifying to find him conceding the authen- 
ticity of the chart drawn up by Nicolo and 
Antonio Zeno, prior to the year 1400. Yet 
something must be said in this connection, 
though the discussion does not tend directly 
upon the history of Maine. 

First we have to regret that in transcribing 
this chart, Dr. Kohl has failed to give the 
best representation possible. No less than 
one-half of the Greenland names have been 
dropped altogether, though these are names 
that inevitably come under discussion when 
the question of authenticity arrives at the 
crucial point. Concerning those actually 



CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 31 

left, he says nothing, and refers to the dis- 
tinguished Polish geographer, Lelewel, for 
all the needed information. He does this, 
after going over the other portions of the 
chart, explaining the names, and demonstrat- 
ing their alleged antiquity. He tells us that 
the Greenland names are of less interest for 
his purpose, but what was the purpose of 
the discussion ? Manifestly it was either to 
illustrate the history of Maine, or to prove 
the authenticity of the chart. If the former, 
then the Greenland names were equally per- 
tinent with the others ; while if it was the 
latter, the discussion of the Greenland names 
were far more so. This, it is believed, can 
be fully demonstrated, yet Dr. Kohl takes 
leave of the subject at this point and refers to 
Lelewel. Turning, therefore, to the eminent 
Polish writer, what do we find ? Nothing less 
than this, that he has really obscured the 
subject, with which he does not grapple, not 
having made it a study. 



32 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 

The names given by the Zeni in connection 
with other portions of the map are names 
that probably could not have been obtained 
in 1558 (when the map was printed), by a 
person engaged in a fabrication ; but those 
names connected with the Greenland coast 
are names that were less likely to have been 
obtained. Hence the peculiar interest. 

Again, at the late period referred to, it 
was impossible to rightly apply the names in 
question. We find that Greenland was first 
settled by Icelandic colonists in the year 985, 
and that the settlements continued for over 
three hundred years, when they died out, 
and the knowledge of Greenland was practi- 
cally lost. The location of the settlements 
even became a matter of doubt. Hence we 
find TorfiEus in his work on Old Green- 
land, placing nearly all the towns and 
villages on the east coast. In so, doing he 
acted upon what he and all his colaborers 
mistook for the meaning of Bardseds GUroni- 



CHAET OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 33 

cle, which gives the best account of the 
ancient colonies now extant. Torfseus pub- 
lished his work in 1715, and was followed 
by map-makers down to a comparatively 
recent period. Indeed, it was no later than 
the year 1828 that the Danish government 
sent out an expedition to Greenland under 
Captain Graah,^ to settle the question con- 
cerning the former existence of a colony 
on the east coast. His researches had the 
effect of banishing the last ray of hope that 
might have been entertained. Wormskiold 
was the latest Scandinavian scholar who 
seriously advocated the view that the East 
Bygd lay on the east coast, where he thought 
a remnant of the colony might still exist, 
shut in by the ice. But when the Society 
of Northern Antiquarians, profiting by ex- 
plorations in Greenland, set out upon their 



1 For convenience sake, tlie author would refer to the 
discussion of the subject in his work on Pre-Columhkm 
Discovery. 

5 



34 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 

great work, the modern maps were revised 
and hotli the districts were placed on the 
west side, according to Bardsen, a relative 
distinction of east and west only being main- 
tained, as will be seen by a glance at their 
maps published in 1837. And this consti- 
tuted nothing less than a most strikmg 
confession of the truth of the Zeni chart, which 
locates the settlements on the west side. 
Theodore Thorlacius^ (1668), innocently mu- 
tilated the Greenland section, which was 
drawn with a degree of correctness that 
would alone go far to vindicate the antiquity 
of the work, while Mercator and Ortelius 
in constructing their maps took an equal 



1 See Torfreus's Gronlavdia Antiqua, Havnias, 1715, 
where also may be seen the map of Stephaoius (1570), 
and that of Bishop Grudbrand Tovhicius (1606). Those 
men, like the rest, misunderstood the chronicle of Ivar 
Bardsen, owing to the almost complete extinction of geo- 
graphical knowledge relating to Greenland. The Zeni, 
however, were familiar with those regions, as their chart 
proves. 



CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. OO 

amount of liberty with other portions. Yet 
in the end these mutilations were wholly 
rejected. 

It will thus be seen that the Zeni knew 
where the colonies lay, and, notwithstanding 
a partial confusion of names, which the 
ravages of time increased on the original map, 
the fact is clearly demonstrable. 

It would have been a strong point gained, 
if this map had simply shown that the Ice- 
landic colonies of Greenland were not on the 
east side. But, in addition to this, it proves 
that they were on the w&st} This is clearly 
seen from the fact that of all the names put 
on the east side we cannot recognize one that 



1 Still the light on this point travels slowly. The 
American Antiquarian Society, in 1860, published the 
following : " Intercourse with that part of Grreenland 
which was colonized by the Danes, has been prevented 
by ice since the beginning of the fifteenth century," (vol. 
IV, p. 269, N. 2). The part alluded to is the east coast. 
The Danes, of course, had nothing to do with colonizing 
any part of Greenland. 



36 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 

anciently helonged to the ivest side. Lelewel, 
in his invaluable work, Geograpliie du Moyen 
age {torn, iii, p. 98), indeed confounds two 
names that appear on the east coast with 
names that belong to the west. Yet who- 
ever consults that part of his examination 
of the Zeni map will perceive that he did not 
appreciate the interest that really clusters 
around the Greenland names, and failed to 
give them the attention that they deserved. 
His remarks on the Greenland names are 
barren of interest. He seeks chiefly to give 
the equivalent of Zeno's names in modern 
terms, and in so doing falls into a most pal- 
pable error. Two names on the east are 
fl. [fiuvium) Lande, and xyr. {promontoi'y) 
Hien, one of which he makes identical with 
Einersfiord, and the other with Heriulfsness, 
while both of those places were located on the 
west coast. Why, then, did he make this 
interpretation ? Certainly there was nothing 
in the names themselves to authorize it. It 



CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 37 

was, therefore, simply a mistake, into which 
he fell, when giving, in a separate column, 
certain modern names whose places generally 
correspond with those of the chart.^ 

It is not proposed in this connection to 
examine the names placed by the Zeni on the 
west coast. In order to explain all of them 
it would be necessary to have access to the 
manuscripts containing the various versions 
of Bardsen's relation ; and even then the 
effort would not be wholly crowned with 
success, since in many cases the names have 
been so corrupted. All that is now required 
is to show that the Zeni located the colonies 
on the west coast. This, after the correction 



^ There is another name put by the Zeni on the east 
coast, |j)-. blunder, which Lelewel defines as Lodmund, the 
name of a fiord on the west coast. Yet the same name 
was often given to several things as well as places. But 
it must be remembered there was only one Ericsfiord and 
one Heriulfsness. As Lelewcll remarks, Brattahlid and 
Grarda, very prominent places, do not appear on the map ; 
yet other names just as useful for our purpose do appear. 



38 [chart of the zeno brothers. 

of Lelewel's mistake, is easily done, as will 
appear from a mere glance. We see, among 
other things, that they understood what has 
required so much modern study to elucidate, 
namely : that in sailing to Greenland, the 
Icelander passed two Huarfs,^ or turning 
points, one being at Cape Farewell and the 
other some distance up the east coast ; while 
the names of places, as given by Bardsen, are 
recognized, Eleste, for instance, among others, 
a name that has needlessly been deemed 
obscure, but which is nevertheless the rem- 
nant of "Henlestate." ^ 

Everything, therefore, points indisputably 
to the antiquity of the Zeni Chart ; for we 
must remember again, that in 1558, when the 
chart was published, the ancient geography 



1 By referring to Zurla's copy of the map, this will be 
more apparent, as Lelewel in copying the two names 
gets them misspelled. Zurla was, manifestly, the more 
careful in handling these two names. 

- See Sailimj Directions of Henry Hudson^ p. 76. 



CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. o9 

of Greenland had reached the period of 
deepest obscuration, a period that cast its 
shadow forward into the next century, when, 
in 1668, Theodore Thorlacius drew up the 
worst chart of Greenland ever offered to the 
public. At no time between 1500 and 1675, 
does it appear to have been suspected by Ice- 
landic geographers that settlements ever ex- 
isted on Greenland's western coast. Hence, 
on the charts we find them laying down 
localities on the east coast that actually 
belonged to the region of Lancaster sound ! 
Fortunately, ere this period of darkness set 
in, and while voyages were often made from 
the northern parts of Europe to Greenland, 
the Zeni brothers improved the opportunities 
afforded by their journeys to put upon parch- 
ment those leading facts which lend to their 
testimony the seal of truth,^ and which en- 



1 It will of course be understood that the writer does 
not by any means accept everything stated in the narra- 
tives of the Zeni, which both illustrate and obscure 



40 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 

title them to rank among the Pre-Cokimbian 
Explorers of America. 

Of the value of this map, in its connection 
with Maine, little needs to be said. In his 
copy, Dr. Kohl has colored Drogeo, which in 
one place (p. 105), he suggests as covering 
New England, while in another (p. 478), he 
says, " Maine is put down under the name 
of Drogeo." A note (p. 106), also says that 
in Lelewel's copy, Drogeo occupies exactly 
the locality of the territory of Maine, which 
seems to imply that the masses of land 
were differently grouped on the map of the 
Polish geographer. This is not the case. In 
all the copies that have come under the 
author's notice, Drogeo is represented on 58° 
and 59° north. The lines of latitude, liow- 



their chart. Like all similar relations, they will justify 
a careful sifting. The contrast between the chart and 
the narratives is most notable. The former contains but 
a single false feature in its G-reenland section, namely : 
the monastery of St. Thomas, placed on the coast to the 
north of Iceland. 



CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 41 

ever, are of no authority. Remembering this, 
still Drogeo is always put in the above lati- 
tude, which is ten degrees north of the ex- 
treme limit of the territory of Maine. ^ The 
map, therefore, has no interest in connection 
with Maine, as might be said of the two follow- 
ing Icelandic maps of the volume. And it 
may well be observed in this connection, that 
it would be difficult to say when the territory 
of Maine first clearly emerges in the old 
cartology. It has already been suggested by 
one critic,^ that Cosa's map of 1500 indicates 
the coast of Asia instead of Maine, as sup- 
posed by Dr. Kohl. Thorne, in his letter to 
Henry Y III, urges the same view with regard 
to that region, which he claimed as the India 
possessions of the British crown. (See Hak- 



1 Henry Stevens, Gr. M. B., F. S. A., etc., in " Historical 
and Geographical JVotes, 1453—1869," p. 19, n. 

2 Perhaps, it will be said, tliat the unrepresented part 
was in the locality of Maine, yet the unknown is some- 
thing that we cannot speculate about. 

6 



42 CHART OF THE ZENO BROTHERS. 

luyt, vol. I, p. 213, ed. 1598). If Dr. Kohl 
is right in his supposed discovery of Cape 
Cod on Cosa's map, he is also right with 
reference to Maine ; yet the island which he 
identifies with Nantucket is on the wrong side 
of the cape, which in the eleventh century 
doubtless had a small outlying island toward 
the east, as indicated by Saga of Karlsefne, 
and proved by more recent history, in con- 
nection with geological surveys.^ Yet it is 
not worth while to appear fanciful, as we 
require truth on the chart as well as on the 
written page. The map of the Zeni, how- 
ever, is authenticated, which would seem 
enough, without applying it to Maine. 



^ See Pre-Columbian Discovert/, p. 26, n. The shores 
and banks of Greorges are probably dead ishxuds that once 
lifted themselves above the sea. 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN EUT. 



In the year 1527, an English expedition, 
composed of two ships, the Sampson and the 
Mary of Guilford, was sent into American 
waters. In the course of the voyage, it is 
asserted by Dr. Kohl, John Rut, the master 
of the Mary of Guilford, visited the shores of 
Maine ; and he tells us that in the account of 
Hakluyt (vol. iii, p. 129, ed. 1600), we have 
"information of the first instance in which 
Englishmen are certainly known to have put 
their feet on tliese shores." 

But upon what is this claim based ? Quot- 
ing from Hakluyt, he says that the Mary of 
Guilford "returned by the coasts of New 
Foundland, Cape Breton and Norumbega," 
often "entering the ports of those regions, 



44 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

landing men, and examining into the condi- 
. tion of the country" {Dr. Kohl, p. 283). 

Now the oldest reference to Norumbega is 
found in the work of Peter Martyr [Dec. vii, 
\ c. 11), which appeared about 1511. It is 
next mentioned in a " Discourse of a great 
French sea-captain of Dieppe, on the naviga- 
tions made to the West Indies, called New 
France, from the 40° to the 47° N.," given 
in Ramusio (vol. iii, p. 423). This discourse 
has been attributed to Pierre Crignon, the 
poet, and seems to belong to the year 1539, 
from the fact that the writer says that fifteen 
years had then elapsed since Verazzano made 
his voyage. He tells us that the country 
from Cape Breton to Florida is called by the 
inhabitants Norumbega. 

But, though the application of the name 
was thus extensive, it never figured largely 
upon the maps. The name appears to have 
come in northward from the St. Lawrence. 
Hence, in 1556, the pilots told The vet that 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 45 

Norunibega was the "proper country of 
Canada" {Cosmographie Universelle, 1004). 
And we must not fail to notice the fact that 
the very map that Crignon's account was 
intended to illustrate [Gastaldis, 1550), re- 
stricts the country of Norumbega to Nova 
Scotia. Nevertheless it is conceded that the 
maps do not tell the whole story of Norum- 
bega, which was taken to include the country^ 
from Cape Breton to Florida. By degrees, 
the application of the term was narrowed, 
until it came to signify a fabulous city on 
Penobscot river, in Maine. Yet what was 
the meaning of the term when Hakluyt 
wrote ? This is easily ascertained. Dr. Kohl 
himself admits the fatal truth, that in Hak- 
luyt's day all New England was included in 
Norumbega. But more than this. Turning 
to the account of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's 
expedition, we find one of the members speak- 
ing of it as put on foot for " the discovery of 
Norumbega." And yet the plan of the voy- 



46 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

age aimed at a thorough exploration of the 
territory from Newfoundland to Florida. 
This shows that in 1583, Norumbega still 
had a very wide application, while it is 
equally certain that Nova Scotia was always 
included at the time Hakluyt wrote. (See 
Hakluyt^ vol. iii, p. 163 ; also title page of 
same volume). It will therefore, be seen, 
when Dr. Kohl quotes Hakluyt as saying 
Rut returned to England "by the coasts" 
of Norumbega, that he proves nothing, for 
we do not know what part of Norumhega he 
landed upon. Taking the term applied to 
New England in general, as Dr. Kohl admits 
it was used, there is still no certainty what- 
ever that Rut landed in Maine. His own 
admission, therefore, in regard to the extent 
of Norumbega alone crushes his argument. 

But the case becomes still more clear when 
we remember what was before stated, that 
in Hakluyt's day the coast north as well as 
south of New Endand was still called Nor- 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 47 

umbega, which being the case, it is even still 
less reasonable to say that Rut visited Maine, 
because he touched at Norumbega. We 
could as well argue that a tourist must have 
" certainly " visited Maine because he re- 
turned to Europe "by the coasts" of the 
United States. 

We might reasonably rest the argument 
here, but it is our duty to disabuse the 
reader's mind in regard to the correctness of 
Dr. Kohl's quotation, where he says that the 
Mary of Guilford " returned by the coasts of 
New Foundland, Cape Breton and Norum- 
bega." This is not what Hakluyt says. 
Indeed, one feels considerable surprise after 
comparing the alleged language with that 
actually employed. Hakluyt does not say 
that they " returned by," but that they 
shaped their course " towards " the places in 
question. The writer has examined all the 
editions of Hakluyt, and the language is 
everywhere the same, with the exception that 



48 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

^ the first edition (1589), has "Arembec," 
which is the equivalent of Norumbega, Hak- 
luyt simply says that after parting from the 
Sampson, the Mary of Guilford " shaped her 
course towards Cape Breton and the coasts 
of Arembec." 

The full account stands as follows : " Sail- 
ing very far northwestward, one of the ships 
was cast away as it entered into a dangerous 
gulf, about the great opening between the 
north parts of New Foundland, and the 
country lately called by her majesty, Meta 
Incognita. Whereupon the other ship [Rut's] 
shaping her course towards Cape Breton and 
the coast of Arembec, and often times put- 
ting their men on land to search the state of 
those unknown regions." 

From this it is clear that Dr. Kohl's quota- 
tion is incorrect, and also, that it is extremely 
doubtful whether Rut, after all, did more 
than to sail "towards" some part of the 
country of Arembec, or Norumbega. We 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 49 

might at first, indeed, take it for granted that 
the phrase " unknown regions," referred to 
the shores of Arembec ; yet when the whole 
account is more carefully considered, espe- 
cially in the light of Purchas's relation, not 
yet quoted, we incline to the belief that by 
those unknown regions is meant the unfre- 
quented parts of Newfoundland adjoining 
Meta Incognita. Again, it must also be 
remembered, that if it loas Arembec that they 
landed upon, we have no reason to infer that 
they landed in that particular section of 
Arembec now called Maine, since they would 
strike Arembec when they left Cape Breton, 
upon which they could coast for hundreds of 
miles before reaching Maine. 

But we must now turn to the testimony of 
Purchas, which is later and more full. Hak- 
luyt's account is meagre. He did not even 
know the name of both the ships, saying 
that one was the " Dominus Vobiscum." 

Purchas corrects this error, and gives a letter 
7 



50 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

from Rut himself, who, however, makes no 
mention of Arembec or Norumbega. This 
letter was addressed to King Henry VIII, 
and was written at St. John's, Newfound- 
land, August 3, 1527. 

He writes, that they first touched at Cape 
de Bas Harbor, where they staid ten days 
" ordering " the ship and fishing, after which 
they sailed southward to St. John's. Here 
they were on the third of August, and Rut 
says that as soon as they " have fished " they 
would be ready to depart northward toward 
Cape de Bas, and so along the coast, still 
northward, until they found their consort, 
from whence they would go, with all dili- 
gence, " to that island that we are com- 
manded " [Purchas, vol iii, p. 809). 

What their commands were we have no 
difficulty in determining. The expedition 
was fitted out to seek a north-west passage. 
Neither of the versions of this voyage, there- 
fore, afford ground for the statement that 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 51 

Rut's expedition landed in Maine, which 
must be dismissed as a very great mistake. 
The coasting " towards " Cape Breton and 
Arembec appears from Rut's letter to have 
ended, before they reached that region, which 
all authorities at the time made Arembec 
include, and which is now known as New 
Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Rut says that 
they first coasted southward to St. John, 
Newfoundland, in search of the Sampson, 
and announces his intention to sail north- 
ward " along the coast till we may meet with 
our fellow." 

Nor does it appear that Rut afterwards 
changed his mind, while we must also note 
the fact, communicated in his letter to the 
king, that before the separation from his 
consort it appears to have been arranged 
that, in case of such an event, they were to 
rendezvous at " Cape de Sper," and wait six 
weeks. The information of Purchas is later, 
and makes plain what Hakluyt left slightly 



52 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

obscure ; while neither of these writers give 
any ground whatsoever, for the hasty asser- 
tion of Dr. Kohl, that Rut's company visited 
Maine, and were the first Englishmen who 
certainly set foot on the shores of Maine. 

There is another point in this connection 
that demands attention. Dr. Kohl not only 
sends the Mary of Guilford to Maine, but he 
prolongs the voyage to the West Indies. 
First, it must be stated, that Herrera {Dec, 
11, lib. V, c. 3), tells us of an English vessel 
that appeared off Porto Rico, in 1519, the 
captain reporting, that, in company with 
another ship, they had been sent northwar(j 
to find a passage to China. In the course of 
the voyage, this vessel, at a certain point, 
had been separated from her consort by a 
storm. They then sailed from this place, 
which was full of ice, and reached a warm 
sea, afterwards returning to the Bacalaos, 
" where they found fifty sail of vessels, 
Spanish, French and Portuguese, engaged in 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 53 

fishing, and that going on shore to communi- 
cate with the natives, the pilot, a native of 
Piedmont, was killed ; that they proceeded 
afterwards along the coast to Chicora (North 
Carolina), and crossed over thence to the 
island of St. Juan (from Porto Rico). The 
Spaniards asking them what they sought in 
these islands, they said that they wished to 
explore in order to report to the king of 
England and to procure a load of Brazil 
wood." And Dr. Kohl, having already con- 
cluded that the Mary of Guilford ran down 
the American coast, infers that this was the 
ship described by Herrera, on account of a 
fancied resemblence.^ 

In order to harmonize the dates, Dr. Kohl, 
finding that Oviedo reports an English ship 
at Porto Rico in 1527, concludes that Her- 
rera was in error in placing his date at 1519, 



' Dr. Kohl here does little more than to repeat some 
speculations of Biddle (^Life of Cahot, p. 274), by which 
the latter detracted from his valuable work. 



54 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

and infers that both wrote about the same 
ship. His reason for this is threefold. First, 
the English authorities are silent in regard 
to an expedition. This is, however, no valid 
reason. The English authorities came near 
being silent in regard to Rut's ; while there 
will never be an end of debate on the alleged 
voyage of Cabot in 1517. Second, the im- 
probability that " all the alleged circum- 
stances " of the two vessels should agree. 
To this it must be observed that " all " do 
not agree, as any one will see by a compari- 
son. Third, Oviedo lived in Porto Rico in 
1527. This appears more to the point, yet 
if such a story was told at that time, instead 
of 1519, why did he not say something 
about it ? 

The writer is not arguing now to show 
that Herrera was not in error, but simply to 
prove that Rut did not sail down the coast. 
If we were to accept Dr. Kohl's statement, 
that the expedition of Rut returned "• by the 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 55 

coasts " of Norumbega, there might be more 
reason for the opinion, but as already shown, 
Hakluyt simply says that the Mary of Guil- 
ford sailed " towards " Cape Breton and 
Arembec, which is not the language that 
would have been employed to describe a 
voyage to the West Indies. 

But something more must be said of the 
remarkable " coincidences," which are, how- 
ever, shown most forcibly by the lack of 
coincidence. Among other things, we have 
to note that Herrera says that the captain of 
the vessel appearing in Porto Rico, reported 
fifty Spanish, French and Portuguese fishing 
vessels, while Rut mentions "eleven saile 
of Normans, and one Brittaine, and two 
Portugall barkes," And another notable 
" coincidence " is found in the fact that while 
Rut says that after losing his consort, he 
sailed into Cape de Bas, this Englishman 
reported that he sailed away from the region 
of ice into a warm (" boiling hot ") sea. 



56 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

meaning the Gulf Stream, and afterwards 
returned to the Bacallaos, from whence they 
turned again to the south and reached the 
West Indies. Of course it is impossible to 
recognize in this account the action of Rut 
immediately after parting company with the 
Sampson. He went to no boiling hot sea, 
and yet we read about the argreement of all 
the alleged circumstances! From the ac- 
count it even appears that Rut had been 
separated about a month from the Sampson, 
and yet had sailed no farther in the direction 
of the Gulf Stream than St. John's, New- 
foundland, from wlience he tells the king 
he would return northward to Cape de Bas. 
It certainly requires some power of imagina- 
tion to find a parallel in the two cases. 

Another difficulty stands in the way of 
Dr. Kohl's theory, which is found in the fact 
that there was not sufficient time for the 
Mary of Guilford to accomplish what is im- 
plied. We find from the date of De Prato's 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 57 

letter that on August 10, Rut was still at St. 
John's when it was his intention to sail 
north, find the Sampson, and prosecute the 
voyage of north-western discovery. This 
they were hound to do ; and Rut speaks of an 
arrangement previously proposed to wait at 
Cape de Bas six weeks. But supposing they 
eventually violated every obligation to their 
companions and the king, how soon did they 
turn southward? How long were they ex- 
ploring on the Maine coast and sailing lei- 
surely to the West Indies ? How long were 
they naturally detained at Porto Rico ? 
" Some time," Dr. Kohl says. How long did it 
take them to reach St. Domingo? And 
when they were driven back from that place 
to Porto Rico again, how long did they stay 
trading in the port of St. German ? Then, 
finally, how long a time must it have taken 
to sail back to England ? 

All these points are to be considered ; and 
therefore when we learn from Hakluyt that 



58 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

the Mary of Guilford reached England at the 
beginning of the folloioing October, the folly 
of supposing this vessel mentioned by Her- 
rera was Rut's becomes quite apparent. 

There is, however, one more point to be 
noticed in this connection. In the quotation 
from Herrera we read of a Piedmont pilot 
who Avas in the English ship that appeared 
in Porto Rico. And the question has been 
asked, Who was this man ? Biddle and 
Kohl tell us that this was probably Verra- 
zano. The assumption is supported by the 
following statements : First, that Verrazano 
instead of Thorne as Hakluyt asserts,^ incited 
King Henry to send out the expedition ; 
second, that Verrazano expressed a desire to 
perform another voyage. 

It is also stated by Ramusio, though he 
does not give any proof, that this navigator 



' Dr. Kohl eiFectually disposes of this view in opposing 
Biddle in the matter of Cabot's voyage of 1517. See 
Dr. KoMs Work. 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 59 

did go on a voyage after that of 1524. There 
was a dateless rumor abroad in Italy, coupled 
with the report of the alleged voyage, to the 
effect that Verrazano was killed by the 
savages and devoured in sight of his friends. 
On this foundation, after assuming that the 
English vessel described by Herrera was the 
Mary of Guilford, it is argued that Verrazano 
accompanied Rut, and met his fate as stated. 
After this one might suppose that suffi- 
cient interest had been excited in connection 
with Maine. Yet Dr. Kohl, in speaking of 
the result of Rut's voyage, says (p. 288), 
among various other things : " The Mary of 
Guilford not only came in sight of the coast 
of Maine, but she also ' oftentimes put her 
men on land to search the state of these un- 
known regions,' " and that " it is not impro- 
bable, that it was on the occasion of this 
landing, that the celebrated French navigator, 
Verrazano, was killed by the Indians." Else- 
where (p. 284), we have Dr. Kohl's inference, 



60 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

that, " if a monument to the memory of this 
famous navigator should ever be contem- 
plated, this would be the region in which it 
should be erected." 

But having already demonstrated that 
there is not a line or word to show that John 
Rut, either probably or " certainly," landed 
on the coast of Maine, or even on any part 
of Norumbega, it is only necessary to say 
again, that this Piedmont pilot met his alleged 
death at " the Baccalaos," as Herrera states, 
and not in Maine. By Baccalaos, Herrera 
could not certainly have meant the coast of 
Maine. This place was where the English 
captain says he saw fifty sail of fishermen. 
The rendezvous of fishermen is indicated by 
Rut's letter which was at St. John's. It was 
therefore upon the island of Newfoundland 
that the pilot was killed, if killed at all ; so 
that the suggestion of a monument to Verra- 
zano for the Maine coast must be dismissed 
to the winds. 



THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 61 

As regards the real fate of Verrazano, we 
have other rumors than those given by 
Ramusio. According to Barcia, who wrote 
the well known Annals of Florida, one Juan 
the Florentin (see p. 8), was executed as a 
pirate, in the very year when Dr. Kohl ima- 
gines that he was devoured by the Indians 
of Maine.^ This is the name by which Yer- 



1 Buckingliam Smith, Esq., who has recently returned 
from Spain, informs me that during his investigations 
abroad he found a number of original documents that 
relate to the history of the Florentin, which confirm his 
own previous convictions. This person, supposed to be 
Verrazano, was captured at sea by Biscayans, taken to 
Cadiz, tried and convicted, and finally executed (October, 
1527), while on his Way to intercede for his life with the 
king. The place of his execution was at El Fico, the 
highest point in New Castile. Mr. Smith also suggests 
that much material will be found at Paris, whither it 
was carried from Spain by Napoleon. Mr. Stevens in his 
Notes (p. 36), says of Verrazano : " The Spaniards knew 
of his voyages [in 1524]. They had been watching for 
him and had caught him, and in 1527, hanged him." 
These strong statements somewhat spoil the tradition of 
Ramusio. It may be said that this disposition of Rut's 
voyage leaves the expedition mentioned by Herrera 



62 THE VOYAGE OF JOHN RUT. 

razano was known in Spain, and it has long 
been considered probable that he was exe- 
cuted for plundering Cortez's ships. 



unaccounted for. Yet that is not the fault of the writer. 
Besides it is hardly necessary to make any mystery out 
of the fact that an English ship appeared in the West 
Indies in 1527. Whoever looks closely at the account 
of Herrera, will see by the number of the crew, her 
armament and stores, that it could not have been a 
vessel, like the Mary of Guilford, fitted out for a quiet 
exploration of the north-west, while both her appointments 
and movements indicated a piratical character. Among 
the rest is the statement that they had a great abundance 
of wines and clothes. 

The captain indeed professed to have a commission 
from the king of England, and ofi"ered to show it to one 
of the Spanish officers, who could not read English. 
Yet a pirate would not be likely to cruise without some 
kind of forged papers for an emergency. 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 



The only expedition mentioned in the 
whole volume that could possibly be fastened 
upon the territory of Maine is the alleged expe- 
dition of the monk, Andr^ Thevet, who claims 
to have visited this region in the year 1556. 

In introducing this personage, Dr. Kohl 
feels that he is favoring the claims of an 
exceedingly poor authority, whose work he 
rates lower than that of the chart of Ribero. 
Most critics will place Thevet lower than 
the position in which Dr. Kohl leaves him. 

Thevet professes to have run the American 
coast from Florida to the north of Newfound- 
land, and yet he does not find anything to 
say concerning the country between Florida 
and parallel 43° N. ; a fact that awakens 



64 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

the liveliest suspicion at the outset, leading 
us to ask whether Thevet made the voyage 
at all. If this, however, is conceded, then 
comes the question in regard to the particu- 
lar spot at which he touched. Dr. Kohl 
affirms that he landed in Maine, and assigns 
the mouth of the Penobscot as the place. 
Let us therefore examine the question. 

Thevet writes as follows : '" Having left 
Florida on the left hand with all its gulfs 
and caj)es, a river presents itself which is one 
of the finest rivers in the whole world, which 
we call Norumbega, and the aborigines 
Agoncy, which is marked on some sea charts 
as the Grand river " ( Cosmographie Univer- 
selle, vol. II, 1008). He also says that some 
pilots would make him believe that " this 
country is the proper country of Canada. 
But I told them it was far from the truth, as 
this country lies in 43° N." 

First, Thevet's knowledge of the location 
of Norumbega ig defective. The principal 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 65 

facts in relation to this place are given in the 
discussion of the voyage of Rut (p. 44, et seq.), 
where it is shown that at the time of Thevet's 
alleged visit the term Norumbega was given 
by some to the whole coast as far down as 
Florida, though the name never had this 
extensive use on the maps. It is significant 
that the map of Gastaldi (1550), applies the 
name to the coast only as far south as the 
present border of New Brunswick. Thevet, 
however, says that Norumbega lay in the 
forty-third degree, which commences at Ply- 
mouth, Massachusetts, and ends at Rye 
Beach, New Hampshire. This shows that 
his ideas were very crude. Besides it is 
evident that the monk intends to represent 
his visit as made to a river in that latitude, 
so that the supposition that he went to Maine 



1 On folio 1024 of his Cosmography^ Thevet gives the 
exact location of the river, which he sets down in longi- 
tude 311° 50' and 42° 14' latitude, which varies only 
three minutes from the position assigned to the Arnodie, 
9 



66 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

on a line north of 44°, does violence to his 
own representation. 

That Thevet may have supposed that he 
had reached the river in question, is not very 
unlikely, yet it has not been shown that 
such was actually the case. The latitude 
mentioned does not agree with the situation, 
the name Agoncy given as the Indian name 
of the Penobscot, is incorrect, while the island, 
supposed to be the Fox island, does not answer 
to the Fox island. The large Fox is, first 
of all, composed of two islands, with a deep 
passage through them described by William- 
son {History of Maine, vol. i, p. 72), as ave- 
raging a mile wide, and instead of eight, 
it is encompassed by a great many islets, 
Williamson, with truth, making the number 
innumerable, or too numerous to mention. 



while that place, according to his own statement, must 
have been full one hundred and fifty miles south of Nor- 
umbega, this being the distance the ship was blown, as 
will be seen by reference to the following pages. 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 67 

• 

The Long Island of Thevet's narrative seems 
to agree with the present Islesboro in its 
shape, but instead of four it is ten leagues 
in circumference. The " Green mountains," 
described as being near this place, Dr. Kohl 
suggests were the Camden hills, jet Ribero, 
1527, puts the Green mountains {Montana 
Verde), close to the Hudson (San Antonio) 
river, while Mercator, three years after the 
date of Thevet's alleged voyage (1569), sets 
them far south in the same locality. Thevet 
says that this place was also near the " cape 
of the isles," which Dr. Kohl suggests may 
mean "Cape de Mucha isles." But these 
were generally put near the present Camden 
hills, though occasionally as far south as 
latitude 40°. Still it is very well known 
that the " Cape of the Isles " were at that 
day distinct from the Cape Muchas isles, 
the former being placed a very long way 
north of the Long Island, and answering to 
the Schoodic Point, which lies opposite the 



68 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

isle of Mount Desert. There is therefore 
little or nothing in the description that can 
be confidently applied ; while islands in the 
shape of a man's arm, as Thevet puts it, are 
everywhere to be found. 

No one has before this thought it worth 
while to introduce Thevet among the ancient 
worthies who visited the coast. His works 
have always been well known, but not highly 
esteemed. Dr. Kohl's remark (p. 419), that 
various writers have copied his description of 
Norumbega, must be taken cum grano sails. 
He indeed cites Wytfliet's Ptolemaicoe Aug- 
mentum (p. 97), yet that author simply 
borrows a few lines of general description, 
which he turns into Latin, and welds on to 
his own remarks, without the slightest recog- 
nition of Thevet or his work. 

The facts as given by Dr. Kohl, even, do 
not inspire confidence in the assertion that 
Thevet visited Maine. The indications sug- 
gest a more southern point. 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 69 

But Dr. Kohl does not exhaust the relation 
of The vet in its bearings upon this subject, 
which is dismissed too soon, after giving so 
much as seemed to favor this theory. The 
succeeding portions of the narrative are very 
suggestive. These portions show that the 
monk was in great darkness himself, and 
poorly prepared to withstand the pilots, who 
told him that the place in question was the 
country of Canada, instead of Norumbega. 
But let us proceed to his narrative. 

After reaching the river of Norumbega, 
and delaying five days, they set sail, and 
went out into the open sea to avoid the shal- 
lows and rips. He says, " We had not pro- 
ceeded more than fifteen leagues before there 
came a contrary east wind, and the sea was so 
rough that we were near perishing ; and finally 
the gale drove us some fifty leagues from that 
place to the mouth of the river Arnodie, 
situated between Judi ( Juvdi) and the cape 
on the right, where we were compelled to 



70 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

enter half a league and drop anchor to escape 
the storm and the fury of the sea." Here 
they were hospitably received and obtained 
an abundance of both fresh and salt water 
fish, especially of salmon. Where " Arnodie " 
lay does not exactly appear ; but suppos- 
ing they were at the mouth of the Penobscot 
when they set out (of which, be it remem- 
bered, we have no proof), the fifteen leagues 
first sailed out into the open sea would only 
have carried them forty-five miles around to 
the outside of Mount Desert. Then came 
the eastern gale, which if it had driven them 
straight leeward, as was usually the case with 
the inferior vessels of those days, they would 
inevitably have gone to pieces upon the iron 
bound shores of Maine, before driving fifty 
miles from the point where the gale struck 
them. But, as appears to have been the 
case from tlds narrative, the wind allowed 
them to put the head of the ship off* shore, 
and keep far enough out at sea to drift with- 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 71 

out touching the land for fifty leagues, or 
one hundred and fifty miles. In that case 
when they made a harbor, if the account 
relates to this coast at all, they must have 
come to land somewhere towards Boston bay.^ 
This, however, places them in an awkward 
position to enter upon the course that follows. 
We read : " Leaving this river [Arnodie] 
and coasting straight along Baccalaos," we 
journeyed and ploughed the sea, as far as the 
Isle Thevet and thence to the Isles of St. 
Croix, of the Bretons and the savages, to the 
head of Cape Breton." 

And where, according to the monk, was 
Baccalaos ? This place he distinctly says 



1 In giving the position of Arnodie on folio 1024, of 
his Cosmogruphi/^ Thevet places it in 42° 11' N. If 
this is a true account of a genuine voyage, the cape may 
have been Cape Cod. But by Cape Cod Dr. Kohl under- 
stands Cape Arenas, which Thevet puts in latitude 38° N. 
His obscure lan'i:ua2:e is as follows: Laissant ceste rioiere 
& Costoiant Je droit Jil de la part de Baccalaos^ f. 1009. 

- Thevet here represents himself as sailing on the coast 
of Baccalaos. 



72 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

was in 48° 30' N. The name was not applied 
to the New England coast, upon which he 
must have been sailing, if sailing at all, and, 
moreover, he elsewhere appropriates the 
whole region under the divisions of Norum- 
bega, Angouleme and Acadie. The whole 
account shows too much unacquaintance with 
the places in question to allow us to place 
him definitely on any part of the coast of 
Maine. 

Thevet is a notoriously poor authority, 
and adds a mendacious spirit to an incredu- 
lous mind. His works will everywhere 
justify the sharpest criticism, and when we 
find him saying that his countrymen had 
taken possession of this region, and built 
a fort, long before his own arrival, we are 
forced to put the assertion with that to the 
effect that the neighboring region to the 
north was discovered by the Bretons in 1504, 
and that French pilots had a share in the 
discovery of South America. 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THE VET. 73 

Thevet certainly could have had no real 
knowledge of the place he endeavors to 
describe. Elsewhere we .find him speaking 
of the gulf full of islands that lies between 
Angouleme and Acadie, whereas that gulf, 
the present Bay of Fundy, is not so distin- 
guished. Thevet had no acquaintance with 
the localities, since he had in mind the 
islands of the Maine coast, while Angouleme 
and Acadie are represented by the modern 
New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, Angou- 
leme terminating at the mouth of the St. 
Croix river. Nor can we fail to notice that 
he both ambitiously manages to have an 
island called after his name, and pretends 
to have named Angouleme himself in honor 
of his birthplace ; but it is the simple truth, 
that the name was applied by others long 
before. 

Thus far we have gone on showing that, in 

case this voyage was really made along the 

New England coast, we have no authority 
10 



74 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

for believing that he landed in Maine. But 
it is now time to consider whether he made 
the voyage at all. His bungling and contra- 
dictory narrative would be sufficient to 
banish him from the coast, but the sketches 
of his biographers seem to do more. Dr. 
Kohl indeed writes (p. 416), that he "ap- 
pears to have sailed along the coast of North 
and South America," and says, "see upon this, 
Jocher, Oelelirten Lexicon, vol. iv, p. 1130." 
But nothing more is there conveyed than 
that he returned from Brazil in the course of 
a year. Dr. Kohl says that Thevet seems to 
have sailed these coasts, from language used 
in his Singularities of Antarctic France, a work 
that the monk had the assurance so to style 
at a time when the total strength of France 
in South America was eighty men confined 
on a rock in the harbor of Rio Janeiro.^ 
Yet Dr. Kohl, or any one else, would not 



' See Sonthcys Brazil, vol. I, p. 172. 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 75 

wish to quote the language referred to as 
proof. On this point his biography is pretty 
conclusive. Jocher's work was published in 
1751. Yet in BiograpJiie Universelle,^ (1826- 
27), we find that Thevet left Havre, France, 
July 12, 1555, and reached Rio Janeiro on 
the 10th or 14th of the following November. 
It is related that he "fell sick almost as 
soon as he touched the land, and had only 
recovered when he reembarked for France, 
January 31, 1556, without having been able 
to examine Brazil, of which he nevertheless 
gave a very circumstantial account." There- 
fore it was with good reason that hery began 
his work, Navigationis Braziliam (1586), with 
a refutation of the errors and frauds {errores 
ac fraudes) of Thevet, who had still poorer 
grounds for describing Mexico, Florida and 
the country beyond latitude 42° N., where 



' See article on Thevet, Div. i, vol. 45, and Sketch of 



Villegagnon, vol. XLix. 



76 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

he did not go, as his own miserable account 
and the silence of his biographers (La Ro- 
quette and Weiss) clearly prove. 

Dr. Kohl himself confesses (p. 419), that, 
" the other rivers, the capes, and islands of 
Maine and Nova Scotia, which he incidently 
mentions, are not easily identified, and his 
observations on them are not of any value." 
Indeed they cannot be identified at all, even 
where they are not incidentally but speci- 
fically mentioned, as they are inextricably 
jumbled up with fabulous matters, such as 
the Isle of Demons, and the Two Chat- 
eaux (which appears to be the beginning of 
the fabulous city of Norumbega?),^ the Exiled 
Woman, and the Adventures of the Nestorian 
Bishop. 

The most reasonable view, therefore, is that 
Thevet never made the voyage in question, 
but constructed his story from maps and 



^ See Lescurhof, bj' Erroudelle, p. 46. 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. I i 

the relations of others. If the ship in which 
he took passage thus went out of her course, 
we should expect to find some proof of it in 
Thevet's biography. Again we see that it 
is unreasonable. In order to reach Florida 
(not to say Mexico), it would be necessary to 
sail westward across the South Atlantic about 
fort (/-Jive degrees out of the direct course. 
And after reaching Florida they are repre- 
sented as penetrating towards the neighbor- 
hood of Greenland, where for twenty days 
(in midsummer?), they were tormented by 
the frosts, after which they sailed, we know 
not where. The object of this alleged voy- 
age is not stated, nor have we any particu- 
lars of its beginning or termination, though 
if it had really been made there would have 
been no end to the relation of Thevet's 
adventures. But Thevet himself is almost 
silent. On no page of his ponderous works 
can the investigator show proof of his per- 
sonal contact with the North American 



78 THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 

coast; he tells us nothing of value which 
others had not told before. The fresh, glow- 
ing recital, that flows from a mind kindling 
with the recollections of a new world, is 
wanting. In a word, iJiis relation of Thevet 
appears to he a fraud. 

Such is the result of some examination of 
Dr. Kohl's work, so far as it bears directly 
upon the history of Maine, to whose annals 
it adds so little. During the long period 
intervening between the voyages of the 
Northmen and the charter of Gilbert, he fails 
to show a single European actually stepping 
upon the Maine shore. That such there 
were we cannot doubt, yet they came and 
went, leaving scarcely more than foot- 
prints, hastily pressed on the shining sand. 
And thus to-day we enter the great libraries 
of the old world, search the dusty alcoves of 
feudal homes, and delve amid the mouldy 
archives of ancient sea-port towns, vainly 
endeavoring to illustrate with some fragment 



THE VOYAGE OF ANDRE THEVET. 79 

of narrative, the rude, but still invaluable, 
partisan map we bear. In connection with 
the period referred to, Dr. Kohl has not yet 
shown one autlientlc paragy^apli to shed light 
upon the history of that romantic coast, 
which stretches in all its wild, unequaled 
beauty, from the Piscataqua to the St. Croix. 
Patient industry may in the future meet with 
its reward ; yet whoever looks for fresh light 
on the history of early Maine, must not only 
learn to labor but to wait. 



THE 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 



In the foregoing papers the effort has been 
made to assign several of the alleged Maine 
voyages of Dr. Kohl to their proper place, 
and to exhibit something of the process by 
which the narratives were drawn into a 
wrong connection. It now remains, there- 
fore, in closing, to give a single example 
illustrating the faults of omission. 

That there should be anything to say on 
this point should not be considered very re- 
markable. Yet much time, talent, and money, 
has been expended to make the work as com- 
plete as possible, and every class of allusion 
that came in the way has been garnered up 



DISCO YERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 81 

and brought to lend an interest to the coast 
of Maine. The obscurest reference known 
to the author has been utiUzed and minutely 
dwelt upon for the purpose of showing its 
relation to a single spot on the New England 
coast. The omission referred to is at least 
noticeable, especially as the means of inform- 
ation in this case were open to all. 

It is but just, however, to add that in this 
instance Dr. Kohl finds himself in the com- 
pany of not only every New England, but 
even every national writer, that has under- 
taken to treat, either little or much, of the 
early voyages to America. All of these 
writers fail to notice the voyage which, per- 
haps, carried the navigator along the coast 
of Maine, while it certainly was extended to 
Massachusetts Bay, and formed its first well 
authenticated rediscovery. Even Mr. Palfrey 
in his cautiously written narrative of early 
voyages along the New England coast, does 

not allude to this occurrence in the slightest 
11 



82 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

way, even though he enumerates every expe- 
dition known to him that could possibly 
enhance the interest of his history of New 
England. 

But before speaking of the voyage in ques- 
tion, let us first notice some things by which 
it was preceded. 

If the generally received interpretation of 
the Icelandic Sagas is correct, the Northmen 
of the eleventh century must be viewed as 
the original European discoverers of Massa- 
chusetts bay. To this honor they, indeed, 
make no claim, yet their simple narratives 
describe such a place, and reveal the fact 
that they were familiar with the entire 
locality around which Cape Cod throws its 
sheltering arm. Thorvald Ericson, in the 
spring of 1004, became acquainted with Cape 
Cod, where he broke the keel of his vessel, 
and afterwards crossed to Plymouth and 
sailed along the coast towards Boston, where 
he lost his life. 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 83 

In the year 1008, Thorhall the Hunter, 
who was attached to the expedition of Thor- 
finn Karlsefne, attempted to sail around Cape 
Cod and enter Massachusetts bay, but failed, 
and was driven out to sea by a storm. 

In the year 1009, Karlsefne himself went 
around Cape Cod and sailed along the coast 
until, off Boston, he raised the Blue Hills, 
when he returned to the settlement in Rhode 
Island, appearing unwilling to venture up 
the coast of New Hampshire and Maine, on 
account of the Unipeds, or one-footed men, 
fabled to live there ; in which we trace the 
equivalent, if not the origin of the Isle of 
Demons, in modern times a terror to the 
French and Spanish sailors, who declared 
that they often distinctly heard terrible cries 
and yells of the fiends. 

With Karlsefne's voyage, the connection 
of the Northmen with the bay in question 
comes to an end, so far as the record goes. 



84 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

That the Northmen were familiar with 
this bay, is also apparent from the map drawn 
by Sigardus Stephanius in 1570, and given 
in Torfa3us's Gh'onlandia Antigua. On this 
map we have the Promontorium Vinlandice, 
answering to Cape Cod, and very distinctly 
laid down with a bay within, answering well 
enough to Massachusetts bay. The latitude 
is placed too far north, yet an error of this 
sort might have been expected at a time 
time when the draughtsman had no scientific 
data for his guidance. The northern end of 
the cape he places in 56° North, yet this 
part of the map is no more crude than the 
Greenland section. On the whole, consider- 
ing the means which Stephanius had at hand 
for his work, he was quite successful. 
Especially does this appear when we compare 
this performance with later maps. 

Dr. Kohl, while admitting the value of 
the map, felt troubled because the cape is 
represented on so large a scale, and apolo- 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 85 

gizes for this, on the ground that the place 
made a large figure in the accounts of the 
voyages, and therefore led the draughtsman 
to give it this prominence in his sketch. 
And this remark should doubtless have a 
certain weight, though it is perhaps, on the 
whole, not needed, as will appear from the 
fact that the Cape Cod of to-day is not the 
Cape Cod of the eleventh century. This 
region has undergone very extensive changes,^ 
and does not present the area that it once 



' The author in his work on Pre-Columbian Discovery 
(p. 29), has called attention to this fiict, showing from 
the Sagas, and from recent investigations, that a large 
island and a piece of land formerly lay off the eastern 
shore of Cape Cod, where now is an open sea, this view 
having the approval of Prof. Agassiz, who considers the 
evidence as conclusive as any geological evidence could 
well be. Mr. John Doane, born near what Gosnold named 
Point Care, testified in 1864, that " his father and grand- 
father, in fact all his ancestors from the first settlement, 
owned the land and the meadows between Isle Nauset 
and the main. He says that, ivifhin his recollection. Point 
Care has worn away about half a mile. When his grand- 
father was a boy, Point Care extended much farther 



86 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

filled. In Gosnold's time the island and 
part of the headland called Point Gilbert 
remained; though in 1680, the Labadist 



into the ocean than it did when he was young. These 
are not vague and uncei-tain recollections. Mr. Doane 
points to monuments, and the exact distance that the 
ocean has encroached on the land within his recollection 
can be ascertained. He states that fifty years ago a 
beach extended from the present entrance of Nauset 
harbor, half a mile north, where the entrance was. 
Within this beach his father owned ten acres of salt 
meadows, on which, he for several years assisted him in 
cutting and raking the hay. Now where that beach was 
there are three or four fathoms of water, and where the 
meadows were is a sand bar on which the waves continu- 
ally break, and make Nauset harbor difficult of access. 
Within his memory, the north beach connected with 
Eastham shore, has extended south one mile, and the 
whole beach has moved inward about its width, say one 
fourth of a mile." Mr. Doane also testifies that in the 
middle of Isle Nauset there was a rocky piece of land 
known as Slut's Bush, and that he had formerly picked 
berries there. This spot now lies some distance from 
shore in deep water, where the fisherman often tangles 
his lines among the roots of old trees that still remain, 
jnultitudes of which have come ashore during heavy 
gales. Furthermore, " Beyond Slut's Bush, about three 
miles from the shore, there is a similar ledge called 



DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. S7 

Brethren, according to the first volume of 
the Long Island Historical Society (p. 377), 
say : " Cape Cod is a clean coast, where 



Beriah's ledge, probably formed in precisely the same 
manner as Slut's Bush is known to have been formed." 

Mr. Otis also says : " We have historical and circum- 
stantial evidence, that Point Gilbert existed in 1602; it 
united with the main land at James head near Chatham 
lights. From James head, on its south shore, it extended 
nine miles on an east by south course to its eastern ter- 
minus, afterwards known as Webb's island, situate where 
Crabb's ledge now is. Cape Care was worn away by the 
gradual abrasion of the waves. Over Point Gilbert the 
sea, during a violent gale, swept, carrying away long 
sections in a single day." He adds, Morse states [ Univer. 
Geo(}.,\, 317, ed., 1793], "that Webb's island atone 
time contained fifteen acres of rocky land covered with 
wood, from which the early inhabitants of Nantucket 
procured fuel. The process which has been described as 
having occurred at Slut's Bush ledge also occurred at 
Crabb and island ledges ; the stumps and roots of trees 
were carried down by the superincumbent rocks. Mr. 
Joshua Y. Bearse, who resided many years at Manamoit 
point, and has all his life been familiar with the shoals 
and ledges near Chatham, informs me that it is very 
difficult to obtain an anchor lost near either of these 
ledges ; the sweeps used catch against the rocks and stumps 
at the bottom ; that in repeated instances he has pulled up 



88 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 

there are uo islands, rocks or banks." They 
also add what was not at all true half a 
century before, not wholly true at the time 
they wrote, namely : " therefore all such laid 



stumps of trees from the bottom where the water is four 
fathoms deep. He also states that after the violent gale 
in 1851, during which the sea broke over Nauset beach, 
* * sweeping away banks of earth twenty feet 
high, cutting channels therein five fathoms deep, moving 
the sea to its very bottom, and tearing up old stumps 
which had been there more than a century. Mr. Bearse 
states that more than one hundred of these drifted during 
that gale to the shore at Manamoit beach ; and that he 
picked them up for fuel. A part of these stumps bore 
the mark of the axe, but the greater part were broken or 
rotted off." Mass. Hist, and Gen. Register, 1864, p. 43. 
The foregoing shows what has been wrought by the 
ravages of the sea during the last two and a half centuries, 
and gives some ground for inference in regard to what 
must have been effected by the same agent between the 
time of the Northmen and the voyage of Gosnold. The 
whole region is composed of what the geologist calls 
drift, or sand and gravel, easily carried away by the waves. 
Everything goes to prove that the sea around Cape Cod 
was once nearly filled up by this formation Xantucket 
and Martha's Vineyard were once connected, and may 
have been a part of the system which included the islands 
that rose above the sea where the shoals of Georges now 



DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 89 

down on the charts of the great reef of 
Malebarre and otherwise is false." The old 
maps/ though made on poor information, are 
nevertheless right, so far as they go in indi- 



appear. Point Gilbert and other outlying portions of the 
laud that have more recently disappeared had nuclei 
composed of rock and clay which enabled them to resist 
the force of the waves for a much longer period than the 
parts not thus protected. We see an illustration of the 
same thing, at Highland Light to-day, where the well 
known Clay Pounds stand forth to buttress the sandy cliffs 
rapidly washing away, and which will one day disappear, 
and leave a point of land extending into the sea. 

It may be mentioned in this connection, that the truth 
of Verazzano's relation has been questioned, because he 
passes Cape Cod without recognizing its remarkable 
features, or noticing the shoals of Greorges. If the fore- 
going facts had been borne in mind, the objection would 
not probably have been urged, as we do not know that 
any shoals were in existence at that place in 1524. This 
is very likely the well known history of the famous G ood- 
win Sands repeated in America. On the whole, therefore, 
the old map of Stephanius needs hardly to be apologized 
for, on account of the large area which it gives to the 
promontory of Vinland, or Cape Cod. 

1 At the present time the material being taken by the 
sea from Cape Cod is said to be transported to the north- 
ward, where a shoal is now forming. 
12 



90 DISCOVEEY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

eating the islands and the shoals east of 
Cape Cod which have been scoured away. 
Visscher's map is of particular interest in this 
connection. 

At what time Cape Cod appears in the 
cartology of the seventeenth century, it 
would perhaps be difficult to determine. So 
remarkable a region should, on all just prin- 
ciples, have made some figure in the French, 
Spanish and Portuguese maps of the previous 
century, yet we are left in doubt w^hether 
Cape St. Mary, on Ruscelli's map of 1561, and 
Cape de Arenas, found on earlier maps, really 
refer to Cape Cod or not. 

That this region was often coasted by 
navigators of different nations, there can of 
course be no doubt, yet it is very plumply 
declared in Folsom's Histoi^y of Saco and 
Biddeford (p. 9), that "that the discovery 
of New England may justly be ascribed to 
Bartholomew Gosnold, an enterprising and 
intelligent navigator, who, in the year 1602, 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 91 

performed a voyage to this part of North 
America, before unknown to the civilized 
world." 

Coming down to a more recent date, we 
find Barry, in his History of Massachusetts 
(p. 9), declaring that "the first English 
voyage resulted in the discovery of Massachu- 
setts." This is supplemented by a note on 
the same page, where it is said, " The shores 
of Massachusetts may have been, and doubt- 
less were, seen before this time ; but the dis- 
covery of Gosnold is the first we are able to 
authenticate by that species of evidence 
which rises above mere conjecture or strong 
probability." That this is an error will 
shortly appear. 

Mr. Palfrey is more cautious, and after 
alluding to the Northmen, to Madoc, the 
Zeni, Cortereal, Skolnus, the Cabots, Veraz- 
zano, Gomez, and Gilbert, he properly men- 
tions Gosnold, Brereton, and three others, 
as " the first Englishmen known to have set 



92 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 

foot upon the soil of Massachusetts." [History 
of New England, p. 71). Mr. Drake, how- 
ever, in his painstaking History of Boston 
(p. 12), says, with less precision, that Gos- 
nold was '' the first of an}^ nation who had 
reached any part of the United States, 
except Verrazani." Dr. Kohl and the Maine 
writers are therefore no worse ofi' than the 
historians of Massachusetts. 

But it is now time to speak of the voyage 
alluded to at the outset as overlooked by all 
American writers. The person to whom we 
are indebted for this voyage was Jean All- 
fonsce of Saintonge, who in the year 1542, 
went out to Canada as the pilot of Roberval's 
expedition, and who mentions his voyage to 
the southward in a work which he composed 
with the aid of an assistant, and left substan- 
tially finished at his death. The original 
manuscript is now in the Imperial Library 
at Paris. Several professed copies of this 
work have appeared in print, yet they are 



DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 93 

represented as imperfect abstracts. One of 
these, a quarto volume, appeared in 1550, 
under the title of The Adventurous Voyages of 
Captain Jan Alfonce Saintongeois. A second 
edition appeared in 1578, and a third is men- 
tioned of 1598. 

M. Davezac, in his brief article on All- 
fonsce, which will be given before closing the 
subject, says that Margry intended to include 
it in his volume then (1857) under prepara- 
tion. It does not, however, appear in his 
Navigations Francaises (1867) except in ex- 
tracts. And among these will be found the 
following : 

" Ces terres tiennent a la Tartarie, et pense 
que ce se soit le bout de VAsie selon la rondeur 
du monde. Et pour ce il seroit ho7i avoir U7ig 
7iavire j^etit de soixante et dix tonneaux pour 
descouvrir la coste de la Fleuride, car fay este 
a une haye jusques a 42 degres, entre Norem- 
begue et la Fleuride, mais nay poM veu du tout 



'-^ 



94 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

le fond et ne sgay pas sil passe plus avant." 
{Navigations Frangaises et La Revolution Mari- 
time Du XIV*^ au XVP Siecle, p. 323, ed. 
1867).! 

This rendered into English stands as 
follows : 

" These lands reach to Tartary, and, I 
think that it is the end of Asia, according to 
the roundness of the world. And for this 
purpose it w^ould be well to have a small 
vessel of seventy tons in order to discover the 
coast of Florida, for I have been at a bay as 
far as forty-two degrees, between Norumbega 
and Florida, but I have not seen the end, and 
I do not know whether it extends any farther." 

Margry quotes this passage, however, with 
reference not to shedding light upon Massa- 
chusetts history, but to illustrate AUfonsce's 



' I have to acknowledge iny obligations to J. Carson 
Brevoort, Esq., president of the Long Island Historical 
Society, for pointing out this extract in Margry, referring 
to the voyage of Allfonsce, likewise for frequent suggestions, 



DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 95 

belief of a north-west passage to India, as the 
French captain also thought that the Sague- 
nay river might likewise lead to the Pacific or 
to Cathay. Margry did not perceive the really 
great point of interest in connection with the 
extract, as his studies do not lead him to 
investigate such points of local history. 
Nevertheless we see very clearly that AU- 
fonsce, in the voyage alluded to, discovered 
Massachusetts bay, which lies in the latitude 
mentioned. This navigator followed a sea- 
faring life for many years, and was a most 
experienced and careful pilot, whose compu- 
tations could be depended upon. Such was 
the value of his services, that they were 
coveted by the Portuguese, under whose flag 
he sailed for a time, which has led historical 
students of that nation to claim him as a 
fellow countryman. Allfonsce sailed down 



and the use of most valuable, and otherwise inaccessible, 
works, which the author has had occasion to consult from 
time to time. 



96 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

the coast past Nova Scotia, and then, per- 
haps, shaped his course westward to the 
shores of Maine. The latter is, at present, 
conjecture, for he may have pursued a south- 
ward course on leaving Nova Scotia, as the 
Northmen and many others did, and next 
sighted Cape Cod, or the coast of New Hamp- 
shire. That he discovered Cape Cod, must 
be regarded as certain, and likewise the oppo- 
site cape, now called Cape Ann ; otherwise 
he could not have known that the water in 
question was a bay. Whether he landed or 
not, he does not say, yet this is very probable. 
Still he distinctly declares that he did not 
sail to the end of it, and therefore was unable 
to say whether it extended through the con- 
tinent to India or not. 

Until some earlier claimant is brought 
forward, to Jean Allfonsce must be awarded 
the modern discovery of Massachusetts bay, 
hitherto unanimously assigned to Bartholo- 
mew Gosnold in his voyage of 1G02. The 



DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 97 

proof is not founded upon anything shadowy 
or doubtful, but is scientific and circum- 
stantial. 

That the students of Massachusetts history 
should have overlooked the account of this 
voyage, is noticeable from the fact that for 
more than two centuries and a half they 
could have read the account in English ; 
obscurely packed away within the dusky 
tomes of Hakluyt, but surely there, in the 
end of the article headed : 

" Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, 
Carpont, and the Grand Bay in Newfound- 
land vp the riuer of Canada for the space of 
230 leagues, obserued by John Alplionse of 
Xanctoigne, chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roher- 
ual, 1542." 

The language of Hakluyt runs as follows : 

Sfjefe (aube§ li)e oiiec againft S^artauie, anb 3 
boiibt not but tfjat ttjei; ftretcfj tomarb 5l|"ia, 
accorbin^ to tfjc i*oiiubuc|fe of tf;e luorlb. 5(nb 
tljcrefoue it luerc goob to Ijaiie a fmad ftjippe of 

lo 



98 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

70 tmtiici^ to bifcoueu t^e coaft of ^tein grance 
on tfjc Inicfe fibc of glouiba: for 3 fjaiie bene at a 
33at) a§ forre a§ 42 begree§ betmeene ^lonimbet-ja 
anb gloriba, aiib 3 l)aue not fcardjeb tl)t enbe, 
anb 3 fnom not mljetljer it |.Hiffe ttjrongf;. 
{HaUuTjt, vol. Ill, p. 239, ed. 1600). 

This narrative of Jean Allfonsce was, per- 
haps, extracted by Hakluyt from one of the 
mutilated versions of his work already alluded 
to, and was placed thus early within the 
reach of English-reading students, by whom it 
has uniformly been overlooked, which shows 
how little Hakluyt's work is really read.^ 

It will be perceived by a comparison of Hak- 
luyt's version with the copy made from the 



' The same remark also applies to Pur eh as. So long 
ago as the date of the publication of Biddle's Cahof, that 
author essayed, by a reference to Purchas, to stop the 
complaints of such men as Dr. Lardner and the Edin- 
burgh encyclopaedists, who lamented that nothing was 
known of the voyage of John Rut (1527), except what 
was told in Hakluyt. Yet, so far as that point was con- 
cerned, Biddle used his ink very much in vain, since a 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 99 

original manuscript, that the Englishman is 
very faulty, as Allfonsce says nothing about 
" the coast of New France on the back side 
of Florida," a remark having no applicability 
to the case.^ 



sliort time ago a well known, industrious, and highly 
respectable New England writer, treated the subject of 
Rut's voyage in the utter unconsciousness of the fact 
that Purchas had given a later and more correct version. 
See ante, p. 50. 

1 If we had the whole work of Allfonsce at hand with 
which to compare the extract given by Hakluyt, we 
should probably find many errors of the same kind. 
3Iargry, in his Navir/afi'ons Francaisefi (p. 326), exhibits 
one of a most ridiculous character. Hakluyt writes on 
the same page already quoted from (239) as follows : 

" ^i) t^e nature of t^c cltmate tt)e Iaut»^ tomarb ^odjt:' 
laga are fttU better anb better, anb more fruttfull. ^hib 
tW lanb t^ fit for gtgge^ anb ^eare^» Slur) 3 tt)tnfc 
tbat golce an^ filuer will be founb bere, accorbtng ag t^e 
people of t^e countrej) fap." 

Here Hakluyt mangles Allfonsce's words so as to make 
him say that Jiga grew in Canada, and changes Peru 
{Perou) into j^ears ; whereas Allfonsce, as Margry testi- 
fies, simply meant to say that the land of the " Fig Tree " 
extended northward to this region. By the Fig Tree 
was meant a cape of Yucatan. It will therefore be seen 



100 DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 

Dr. Kohl refers to Jean Allfonsce in his 
work (p. 344), in connection with the voy- 
ages of Cartier, and says that Hakluyt gives 
" excellent sailing directions for the gulf and 
river of St. Lawrence made by this navigator," 
all the while unconscious of the fact that he 
actually gave a notice of a voyage down the 
New England coast to Massachusetts bay, 
worth infinitely more for his purpose than 
any reference that he has given. Indeed, 
this is the only positive account, in the 
original statement, that we now know of a 



that Hakluyt's version cannot be trusted at all, and that 
it is very likely that with these " excellent sailing direc- 
tions," as Dr. Kohl styles them, the sailor would be liable 
to come to grief. The original work, in the Imperial 
Library at Paris, no doubt deserves the commendation. 
M. Davezac says that he has seen a perfect copy made 
by Margry with his own hand, which at one time the 
latter intended to publish in full. The original language 
of Allfonsce stands thus : '■'■ Lcs terres allant vers Iloche- 
laga sont de heaucoup meilleures et plus chauldes que 
celles Je Canada et ticnt cette. terre de IJochclaga an Figuier 
et mi Perou, en laqueUe abonde or et argent.'^ 



DISCOVERY or MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 101 

voyage to any particular spot on the New 
England coast during that long period inter- 
vening between the days of the Northmen 
and the date of the charter of Gilbert, a 
period that Dr. Kohl has vainly endeavored 
to make interesting in connection with the 
coast of Maine. After reciting unreal visits 
to the coast of Maine by the Northmen, John 
Rut, Verrazano,^ Thevet and others, it is 
surprising to find Jean Allfonsce left out of 
the account.^ This we must conclude was 



1 The reference here is, of course, to the alleged visit 
of Verrazano in 1527, in company with Rut, at a time 
when the Florentin had probably been executed. Con- 
ceding, as the author is free to, the voyage made by that 
navigator on the American coast, in 1524, we still know 
nothing of the particular regions seen after leaving the 
harbor of New York, or, perhaps, I should add, the 
harbor of Newport also. The mention of islands would 
seem to indicate an acquaintance with the Maine coast 
derived either from personal observation or the relations 
of others. 

2 The reference to the voyage of Maldonado is in 
general terms, like the statement of the voyage of Cabot 
and others alono; the American coast. Dr. Kohl remarks : 



102 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

because he was unacquainted with his achiev- 
ment. 

It would be very gratifying if we were 
able to fix the precise date of this voyage, 
yet this is impossible. Allfonsce mentions 
the subject in the most modest manner, little 
dreaming that his excursion down the coast 
was of any consequence at all, unless, indeed, 
the bay mentioned should prove to be an 
opening through the continent. His general 
account of this region in which his voyage is 



" The principal account of this voyage is given by 
Garcilaso de la Vega, who says that Maldonado, in 1540, 
having explored the coast of the Grulf of Mexico for his 
absent chief without success, extended his search in 
1541, with his companion, Gomez Arias, along the 
eastern coast as far as the country of Bacallaos " (p. 
410). He also says : " That this expedition in 1541, ' as 
far as the Bacallaos,' must have involved a thorough search 
of our coast, may also be inferred from the circumstance, 
that Maldonado, in 1542-1543, returned directly to the 
gulf, visiting again our east coast" (p. 410). He would, 
therefore, have us believe that Maldonado went to Maine, 
yet of this we have no account, nor do we know what 
region is meant by the writer. 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 103 

mentioned, was written in 1542, though we 
do not know in what month. And since we 
do not hear anything of a voyage prior to 
this, made as the pilot of Roberval, we natu- 
rally ask if it was made in the summer of 
this year. 

We find that the expedition left Rochelle 
April 16, 1542, and arrived at St. John's, 
Newfoundland, June 8th, where they re- 
mained until the close of the month before 
proceeding to Quebec. Ten or twelve days 
would have been ample for such an excursion 
with one of the vessels, yet it is not men- 
tioned, though the next year they made an 
effort to explore the Saguenay. It is also 
told, though not in the relation of Hakluyt, 
which gives the account of Roberval's expe- 
dition, that Allfonsce was sent to seek a 
north-west passage. Charlevoix testifies on 
this point, and Father Leclerc mentions it 
with equal explicitness. Says the latter, as 
quoted by Margry {Navigations Fran gaise-s, p. 



104 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

321). "The Sire Roberval writes that he 
undertook some considerable voyages to the 
Saguenay, and several other rivers. It was 
he who sent Allfonsce, a very expert pilot 
[pilote tres-expert) of Saintonge, to Labrador 
in order to find a passage to the East Indies, 
as was hoped. But not being able to carry 
out his design, on account of the mountains 
of ice that stopped his passage, he was obliged 
to return to M. de Roberval with only this 
advantage, of having discovered the passage 
which is between the isle of the New-land 
and the great Land of the North by the 5 2d 
degree." 

This northern voyage is not mentioned by 
Hakluyt, though he speaks of the Saguenay 
expedition. When, therefore, did this expe- 
dition to the north of Labrador take place ? 
This question is asked, for the reason that it 
has a bearing upon the main point being con- 
sidered, namely, the voyage to Massachusetts 
bay. 



DISCOVERT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 105 

Now we may regard it as certain that Rober- 
val did not send Allfonsce on this voyage at a 
time when he had but one vessel left, for he 
would need a shij) for his own safety ; and 
yet after the autumn of 1542 he was left 
with a single ship, as at that time he dis- 
patched two of his three ships to France. 
Therefore it follows, that the voyage in 
search of a passage beyond Labrador was 
made in the summer of 1542, when three 
ships were ready for employment. This 
being so, it is reasonable to infer that, failing 
in his trip around Labrador, Jean Allfonsce 
may then, if not while the expedition delayed 
at St, John's, in June, have run down the 
coast to latitude forty-two, where he found 
himself at last locked within the outreaching 
capes that stand on either side of the mouth 
of Massachusetts bay. 

Here then we have tico occasions during 
the summer of 1542, when he might easily 

have made the voyage ; and since we hear 
14 



106 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

of no other voyage made by him to the 
northern part of this continent, it is reason- 
able to infer that the discovery was made in 
the year alluded to. 

Why he did not push on to the l^ottom of 
the bay is not told. He would probably 
have done so, however, if some exigency had 
not prevented, as was the case with Verra- 
zano, when, in 1624, he was driven away by 
the violence of the wind from the bay of 
New York. 

At all events it is certain that this voyage 
was made during some visit to the region of 
the St. Lawrence, and that up to the year 
1542 he had never run the American coast 
beyond latitude 42° N. 

The sujDposition that he had sailed to the 
north prior to his voyage with Roberval is 
also, at the same time, perfectly reasonable, 
and the fact no such voyage is mentioned 
is nothing whatever against the perform- 
ance. We learn from Melin Saiiit-Gelais 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 107 

that Alfonsce followed the sea for forty- 
one years ;^ and since his death took 
place in 1549, at the least we have a period 
of thirty-four years devoted to maritime life 
prior to 1542. Nevertheless, in the absence 
of positive proof, we may be allowed to assign 
the summer of 1542 as the date of this voy- 
age to Massachusetts bay. 

Of the general actions of Alfonsce while 
in the expedition of Roberval, we have no 
account, though Hakluyt (vol. iii, p. 240, ed. 
1600), says : " There is a pardon to be scene 
for the pardoning of Monsieur de saine terre, 
Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de RohervAil 
giuen in Canada in presence of the sayde 
lohi Alplionse" 

Of the events in the life of Jean Allfonsce 
we know but little, nor is this so remarkable, 
considering the fact that he lived in an age 
when one of his royal patrons was largely 



1 Davezac makes the lime forty-eight years. 



108 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

lost to siglit, and is now, even, scarcely re- 
membered, except by antiquarians. 

The date of his birth is not given, though 
we learn the place of his nativity from the 
wretched edition of his Hydrography, pub- 
lished in 1559. Indeed, Margry remarks 
{Navigations Frangaises, p. 226), that this is 
the only thing of value in the book, which, 
otherwise, might just as well have never 
been printed. The village of Saintonge, in 
the canton of Cognac, in France, enjoys the 
honor, though Portuguese writers have 
claimed him for their nation, in whose ships 
he served for a time in voyages to Brazil, 

In 1528, we find him in a prison of Poi- 
tiers, where he was confined by royal orders, 
because, as alleged, he presumed to carry 
himself with as much haughtiness as the 
king. His death must have taken place 
some time between 1547 and 1549. 

The Hydrograpliy of Allfonsce also shows 
the most convincing proofs of his origin. In 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 109 

the course of his work, he reveals the national 
pride bj extolling beautiful France above all 
the countries of the earth, representing that 
country as the home of all elegance and great- 
ness, and as specially renowned for science, 
literature, enterprise, commerce and art. 

His eulogist, Melin Saint-Gelais,^ was also 
a Frenchman, and the friend of Marot and 
Rabelais. His poem of fourteen lines, in 
praise of the renowned pilot, stands in the 
original, and very imperfect, abridgement of 
his work. 



1 31eUn de Saint-Gelais was the son of the bishop of 
Aagouleme, a man of some distinction both as a poet 
and an ecclesiastic. The date of his birth is not given, 
though it is stated that he was educated at Padua and 
Poitiers, and became an ecclesiastic. He cultivated lite- 
rature to a large extent, and joined Rabelais in his oppo- 
sition to the poet E.onsard at the court of King Henry 
II of France. Eventually his feelings changed, and he 
became a warmly attached friend to llonsard. Saint- 
Gelais wrote both in Latin and French, and is known as 
the author of elegies, satires, epigrams, sonnets and epistles. 
He died in 1559. 



110 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

The high character of Jean Allfonsce as a 
pilot and a hydrographer is conceded ; and, 
while his works are not free from faults, it is 
clear that he was conversant with the nau- 
tical knowledge of his times, and that he was 
fully abreast of the very best pilots as 
respects all things connected with his pro- 
fession. 

As already intimated, he was a man of 
lofty spirit, and, while ardently attached to 
his native land, he did not fear to compare 
the government of China with that to which 
he was subject, and to declare that, in respect 
to its power to confer happiness, it was not 
behind the institutions of France ; an opinion 
that leads his sincere admirer and apprecia- 
tive critic, Pierre Margry, to suggest that he 
had seen Utopia. But perhaps M. Margry is 
a monarchist. 

Had Allfonsce lived in our own day, he 
would have been an ardent assertor of the 
rights of the people against the claims of the 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Ill 

crown ; and, for ought we know, his visit to 
the prison of Poitiers may have been occa- 
sioned as much by the inflexibihty of his 
principles as by the haughtiness of his spirit. 

At all events it appears that Jean AUfonsce 
was in advance of the people of his nation, 
and that he openly declared himself in favor 
of an aristocratic republic like that of Venice 
in the grand old days when her free senators 
sat in princely state, and sent forth stern 
decrees from their lordly hall. Nor is it 
altogether an unhappy circumstance that the 
first recorded visit to the shores of libertv- 
loving Massachusetts should have been made 
by a mariner of this lofty stamp, and a pilot 
of the Sire Roberval. 

Whether the course of Jean AUfonsce 
carried him to the Penobscot we cannot 
say, yet this is altogether very likely. But if 
so, we at present have no knowledge of the 
fact, and thus Maine is left again without the 
coveted mention. Yet light may come. 



112 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

We have now, in closing, to give a notice 
of Jean Allfonsce in connection with the 
unworthy abridgments of his work, an ac- 
count of which will nevertheless prove both 
of interest and value to bibliographers. Pro- 
bably not a single copy of either of the works 
mentioned has found its way to America. 
M. Margry, it appears, has not yet carried 
into execution his plan by which, as M. 
Davezac intimates in the following article, 
the work of Allfonsce was to appear entire. 
What he has given is, nevertheless, far more 
valuable than anything produced before. 

The article referred to by M. Davezac, 
appears in Bulletin du Geographie, 1857, tome 
II, p. 317. We give it entire. 

Jean Allfonsce de Saintonge. 

" It has occurred more than once to the 
Portuguese nation to claim historically as its 
own those men w^liom the exclusive and 
jealous policy of this people had formerly 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 113 

tried to retain or call into its service, on 
account of the experience they had acquired 
in voyages to foreign lands. This, it seems 
to us, has been the case with the Spaniard, 
Jean Diaz de Soils, of Asturian origin, and 
declared a native of Lebrija, even by those 
who had the means of becoming the best in- 
formed. 

" Thus it has been with the Frenchman, 
Jean Allefonsce (thus he wrote his name) 
de Saintonge, the excellent pilot whom 
Roberval had with him in his expedition to 
Canada, which left Rochelle April 16, 1542. 
and was brought back to France two years 
afterwards by Jacques Cartier.^ Hakluyt 



1 This hardly gives a right view of the case. Ro- 
berval's expedition was brought back by Cartier, and 
by the knight himself. Cartier's expedition was a 
part of Roberval's which was dispatched the year before, 
as Roberval was not then ready to sail himself. Cartier 
was second in command, and in June, of 154lJ, he was 
returning with his ships to France from Canada, where 
he had passed a winter, and met Roberval in the harbor 
15 



114 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

has preserved '• An excellent Ruttier showing 
the course from Bell-Isle, Carpont and the 
Grand Bay up the river of Canada for the 
space of 230 leagues, observed by John Al- 
phonse, of Xanctoigne, chiefe pilote to Mon- 
sieure Roberval, 1542.' 



of St. John's, Newfoundland, and endeavored to persuade 
him to return to France, on account of the dangers and 
the hopelessness of the expedition. Failing in this, he 
ingloriously stole out of the harbor in the night, and 
sailed for France. Roberval, on the contrary, pushed 
forward about the close of the month up the St. Law- 
rence and wintered at Quebec, returning to France with 
his last remaining ship in the autumn of 1544. It is 
told that, in 1547, he attempted another expedition, 
and perished by shipwreck with all his company. 

This is the way Hakluyt puts it, but other accounts 
make it appear that Cartier came out in 1543, and in 
1544 took back to France some remnant of his expedition. 
Mr. Shea observes in his Charlevoix (vol I, p. 129), 
that his own author, like Champlain, Le Clerq aud 
others, seem to have been unacquainted with Hakluyt's 
account. Most of the works on Canada are more or less 
confused so far as regards the expedition of Roberval. 
This shows again how important statements in writers of 
his class may long lie unnoticed and, practically, unknown. 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 115 

^'Father Charlevoix, whose veracity is 
usually held in moderate esteem, in his His- 
tory of New France, says, in a passage, the 
exactness of which in other respects may be 
acknowledged, that Roberval 'sent one of 
his pilots named Alphonse, born in Portugal, 
according to some, and in Gallica according 
to others, to seek above Newfoundland a way 
to the East Indies.' 

^' This nationality, beyond the Pyrenees, 
might have been based thoughtlessly on the 
name Xanctoigne, printed in Hakluyt, and 
which might have been taken for that of the 
Spanish city of Santona, a little port on the 
coast of Asturies, instead of recognizing in 
the same, as is proper, not, indfeed, the 
French province of Saintonge as is commonly 
supposed, but a village or district (pagus) of 
the same name near Cognac. 

"A sure and precise indication of the 
French origin of our pilot is afforded in a 
little work presenting a general jportulani of 



116 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

the then known world, published for the first 
time by Jean de Marnef, to whom Mellin de 
Saint-Gelais had remitted a copy thereof, 
difficult to be had since the death of the 
skillful mariner, as a preliminary advertise- 
ment of the publisher makes it known printed 
on the back of the frontispiece. The work 
has for a title Les Voyages Avantureux du 
Capitaine Jan Alfonce jSainctongeois. It is a 
little volume in quarto numbering sixty-eight 
leaves, without date, having appended thereto 
several pages of ciphers of tables of the de- 
clension of the sun, put in by order of Oliver 
Bisselin, 'and the printing thereof finished 
by the end of the month of April, in the 
year 1550.' On the verso of the sixty-eighth 
and last leaf, is to be read this epilogue: 
'End of the present book, composed and 
ordered by Jan Alphonce, an experienced 
pilot in the things narrated in this book, a 
native of the country of Xainctonge, near 
the city of Cognac. Done at the request of 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 117 

Vincent Aymard, merchant of the country of 
Piedmont, Maugis Yumenot, merchant of 
Honfleur, writing for him.' 

" This last mention reveals, to all appear- 
ances, the real author of this abridged and 
unfaithful edition, which through error, Bru- 
net ascribes to Saint-Gelais himself. This is 
not the only inadvertency of the learned 
bibliographer. He seemed to find in the 
preliminary advertisement of Jan de Marnef 
to the Reader, the certain indication that 
Mellin de Saint-Gelais was still living at the 
unexpressed date of the earliest edition, and 
he concludes thereupon that this edition is 
anterior to October, 1558, the time of the 
death of the Saintongeois poet. It was 
sufficient, however, to read the following 
page, which faces a sonnet signed Sc. de S. M. 
(evidently Scevole de Saint-Martlie), addressed 
particularly To the Shade of Saingelais, to 
be assured, on the contrary, of the exactness 
of the date of 1559, which is to be found at 



118 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

the end of the annexed tables devoted to 
Bisselin. It is true that certain copies showed 
on the back of the frontispiece, instead of the 
advertisement of Marnef, the royal privilege, 
dated March 7, 1557, but it is immediately 
followed by the mention, 'printing finished 
May, 2, 1559.' There can remain no doubt 
on this point. 

"Besides the original edition in quarto, 
which we have just pointed out, there exists 
another of the same size, brought out at 
Rouen in 1578, by Thomas Mallard, having 
also the tables of Bisselin, but without the 
pieces of verse in honor of Allefonsce, which 
are to be seen at the head of the first edition. 
Still another edition of Paris, 1598, octavo, is 
mentioned. 

" M. Leon Oenrin who in his Navigateurs 
Frangais has given a notice of Allephonsce de 
Saintongeois, has inserted in the same a gene- 
ral analysis of the volume. 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 119 

"Zes Voyages Avantureux de Jan Alfonce, 
written by Maugis Vumenot, no more 
than the Excellent ruttier, translated by 
Richard Hakluyt, can be considered as good 
specimens of the original work of this pilot, 
preserved in manuscript in the Imperial Li- 
brary at Paris, and which has already been 
pointed out by Antoine de Leon Pinello in his 
Oriental and Occidental . Library, a sort of 
bibliographical work, to be used with caution, 
but full of useful information. This manu- 
script forms a volume in folio, entitled Cos- 
mographie, and is dedicated to King Francis 
I. It presents a text quite extensive, in 
which it intercalates the successive draughts 
of the coasts that are described therein. M. 
Pierre Margry, who intends to comprise it 
in the collection of documents which he is 
preparing, to be called Les Origines Histori- 
ques de la France d'outre-mer, and who has 
shown us a copy of the same entirely in his 
own hand, has ground for declaring that 



120 DISCOVERY OE -MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 

the edition of Maugis Vumenot is only a 
worthless abridgement ; and the fragment 
translated by Hakluyt, is disfigured through- 
out by the most singular mistakes. 

" The original volume eiids with the fol- 
lowing epilogue : ' End of the Cosmography 
made and composed by us, JeJian -Allefonsce 
and Paulin Secalart, captains and pilots of 
vessels residing in the city of Rochelle, in 
the Sai7it Jelian des Pretz street, opposite the 
church of the said Saint Jehan, the 24th day 
of the month of November, the year 1545, 
finished by me, Paulin Secalart, cosmographer 
of Honfleur, desiring to do service to your 
Royal Majesty, which will be the end of the 
present book 1545.' 

" One may conjecture from these indica- 
tions that Jehan Allefonsce, who wrote his Cos- 
mography in 1544, after forty-eight years of 
navigation, Avith the assistance of a secretary, 
a pilot like himself, Paulin Secalart, poor and 
loyal, was overtaken by death before having 



DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 121 

put the last touch to his work, and that this 
very Paulin Secalart of Honfleur, finished it 
alone, the twenty-fourth of November in the 
very house where they stayed together in 
Rochelle. 

" In his long maritime career, Captain 
Jean Allefonsce sailed in Portuguese vessels, 
having in particular commanded a vessel 
belonging to Edouard de Paz. He had na- 
turally received from the ship owners, as a 
nickname, the national designation oi Francez, 
which M. de Varnhagen has taken for his Por- 
tuguese family name, in speaking of the royal 
letters of safe-conduct in favor of the said 
^ Joannis Affonsi Francez qui erat expertus in 
viagiisad Bra^iliarias insulas,' whom they tried 
to recall, and to whom was promised that he 
should not be sought again or prosecuted by 
virtue of the laws framed against those mar- 
iners who abandoned Portugal to take service 

in foreign countries, or who abandoned, 
16 



122 DISCOVERY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

without leave, the Portuguese possessions in 
America. 

" When calling to mind with what savage 
rigor the Portuguese government of that time 
dealt with the foreigners who dared to violate 
what it called its exclusive rights by con- 
quest, one easily conceives that letters of 
safe-conduct were indispensable for foreigners 
as well as natives who consented to return to 
Portugal. Offers of this nature do not by 
any means imply a denial of the Spanish 
nationality of Solis, nor the French nation- 
ality of Allefonsce." 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX. 



I. 

Page 5. — In the chapter on the Northmen the 
author has taken Dr. Kohl on his own ground, 
and considered the force of each particular ex- 
pression with reference to the points at issue. 
And in this use of the language of the Sagas their 
historic character is conceded. StilL the right to 
make such a use of the language of the narratives 
has been questioned by a writer in the JSorth 
American Review for July, 1869. 

It will be remembered that Mr. Bancroft, in his 
History, took the position that the Sagas relating 
to An* erica were miiihological in form, and thus 
affected to dispose of them very cheaply. He 
has probably regretted it many times since, as the 
position in question is so unfavorable to a repu- 
tation for candor. 

And now the writer referred to comes in a 
recent number of the Review above-mentioned, 
and, in the course of a long article upon the 
author's work entitled The Pre-Columbian Disco- 
very of America bij the Northmen^ sets forward a new 
theory which gives the Sagas a poetical origin. 



126 APPENDIX. 

While scouting Mr. Bancroft's mythological 
view, the critic adopts one of his own which is 
but little better, and which seeks to take away 
the plain historical character of the writings in 
question. His rather novel view is, that the 
Sagas originally existed in the form of popular 
ballads, which were afterwards reduced to prose, 
and consequently are not to be used as they have 
been by Dr. Kohl and the author; and as in fact 
the best authorities are accustomed to use them. 

His manner of proceeding is as follows: Turn- 
ing to the Heimskringla, or The Sea-Kings of 
Norway, by Snorre Sturleson, he thinks that he 
finds evidence there that that work was largely 
composed from ballads and old songs. Having 
settled this, he repairs to the Sagas relating to 
America, and claims to find the same characteris- 
tics in their construction. 

He errs, however, at the outset ; for his declara- 
tion that the Heimskringla was largely com- 
posed of songs is flatly denied by the most 
competent authority; while, if his assumption 
were true, he would not be justified in applying 
the same rule to the American Sagas, which, 
internally, show no signs of a lyrical origin, any 
more than the Landnama, which is the equivalent 
of the Dooms-day Book, and yet contains poetical 
fragments. A ballad incorporated in an Icelandic 
Saga aftbrds no more evidence of its poetic origin 



APPENDIX. 127 

than some scrap of song quoted in an American 
history. 

It is very gratifying to observe what general 
acceptance the Sagas have ah^eady gained, as well 
as to notice the ease with which such objections 
have always been brushed away, especially when 
supported by the hand-book learning of the critic 
ill the North American Review. 

II. 

Page 66. — Having expressed the belief that 
Thevet gave the wrong Indian name of the river 
Norumbega, I here state the authority. The ori- 
ginal may be seen on page 493 of Lescarbot's 
Nouvelle France, ed. 1612. The following is from 
Erondelle's translation (ed. 1609, page 46) : 

" Therefore without alleaging that, which the 
first writers (Spaniards and Portingals) haue said, 
I will recite that which is in the last booke, in- 
titled The Universal Historie of the West Indies, 
Printed at Doiiayihe lastyeere 1607, in the place 
where he speaketh of Norombega : For in report- 
ing this, I shall haue also said that which the 
first haue written, from whom they haue had it. 

" Moreouer, towards the North (saith the Au- 
thor, after he had spoken of Virginia) " is Norom- 
bega, which is known well enough by reason of 
a faire towne, and a great riuer, though it is not 
found from whence it hath his name : for the 



128 APPENDIX. 

Barbarians doe call it Agguncia : at the moutli of 
this river is an Island very fit for fishing. The 
region that goeth along the sea doth abound in 
fish, and toward New France there is a great 
number of wilde beasts, and is verie commodious 
for hunting ; the inhabitance doe line in the same 
-^ maner as the}- of New France." If this beautiful) 

Towne hath cverbeene in nature, I faine would 
know who hath pulled it doune : For there is but 
cabanes here and there made with pearkes, and 
couered with barkes of trees, or with skinnes, 
and both the river and the place inhabited is 
called Pempiegoet, and not Agguncia. The riuer 
(sauing the tide) is scarce as the riuer of Ogse. 
And there can be no great riuer on that coast, 
because there are not lands sufficient to produce 
them, by reason of the great riuer of Canada 
which runneth like this coast, and is not foure- 
score leagues distant from that place in crossing 
the lands, which from elsewhere received manie 
riuers falling from those parts which are toward 
Noromhega: At the entrie whereof, it is so far 
from hauing but one Island, that rather the num- 
ber thereof is almost infinite, for as much as this 
riuer enlarging it selfe like the Greek Lambda 
A, the mouth whereof is all full of isles, whereof 
there is one of them lying very farre oft" (and the 
foremost) in the sea [Mt. Desert?] which is high 
and remarkable aboue the others." 



APPENDIX. 129 

This name, Aggiincia, therefore came from the 
Spaniards and Portuguese, from whom the author 
quoted by Lescarbot took it. This author was 
Wytfliet, whose edition of Piolemaicce Augmentwn 
of 1607, contains an account of the West Indies. 
On page 68 I have allowed that Wytfliet copied 
a few lines from Thevet, but that concession was 
based upon the edition of his work published in 
1603. The edition of 1607, however, is more full, 
and shows distinctly that Wytfliet, as Lescarbot 
indicates, quoted from early Spanish and Portu- 
guese writers. From this source Thevet was sup- 
plied with his own false information. Than this 
nothing need be more clear. Thevet was also 
probably acquainted with the abstracts of Allfon- 
sce's work at the time he published his Cosmo- 
graphie. The monk was also the personal friend 
of Cartier, Roberval, and Rabelais; the latter 
being, in turn, the friend of the eulogist of Allfon- 
sce, if not of Ailfonsce himself. With such 
friends at command, Thevet could easily have 
written on the subject of iTorumbega : yet he 
had no excuse for writing so poorly. 

III. 

Page 78. — In the paper on Thevet I have dealt 
with him only as he appears in his Cosmograpliie ; 
yet it must be remembered that his Antarctic 
17 



130 APPENDIX. 

France covers the same alleged voyage along the 
American coast to Labrador. This work was 
published in 1558, but it differs from the first 
mentioned, inasmuch as it has nothing to say 
about Norumbega, of which region Thevet at 
that time knew nothing. And still, according to 
his Cosmograjihie^ published in 1575, he made a 
voyage to the coast of Norumbega in 1556. It is 
therefore plain that his account was derived from 
the relations of others, to which he found access 
at a later time. These accounts were by those 
writers to whom Lescarbot alludes. 

Whoever takes up his Antarctic France will 
perceive that Thevet appears to be describing an 
imaginary tour to a great extent, and that he 
employs his peculiar method in order to excite 
interest. 

After leaving Brazil, he takes the reader to the 
coast of Mexico, and then in imagination, sends 
him through the straits of Darien to Peru, 
not knowing that a ship would there encounter 
the firm land. After describing Peru, he returns 
to Florida, and, in order to prolong his voyage 
to Labrador, invents an "unfavorable wind." 
This takes him to every part of the north, except 
Norumbega, of which he then knew nothing. 

In a word, it is as absurd to stippose from 
Thevet's accounts that he visited Maine, as to 
argue that he visited Africa, Quebec and Peru. 



APPENDIX. 131 



IV. 

Page 81. — It is very curious that in Charle- 
voix we find au account of Unipecls. After stat- 
ing the story related by a St. Malo captain to the 
effect that the well known Indian Donnacona told 
him that he once went on a voyage to a country 
where he saw men with but " one leg and thigh," 
he says : 

" It is, moreover, very strange that the story of 
one-legged men should be renewed quite recently 
by a young Esquimaux girl, captured in 1717, 
and brought to Mr. De Courteraanche, on the 
coast of Labrador, where she still was in 1720, 
when I reached Quebec * * Also she 
said that among her countrymen there was an- 
other kind of men, who had only one leg, one 
thigh, and a very large foot, two hands on the 
same arm, a broad body, a flat head, small eyes, 
scarcely any nose, and a small mouth ; and that 
they were always in a bad humor." Shea's Charle- 
voix^ vol. I, p. 124-25. 

V. 

Page 99. — Misrepresentations of Allfonsce have 
already been pointed out, but it is proper here to 
cite Lescarbot, and explain the origin of his views, 
which have done the French captain some harm, 
in the estimation of those not conversant with the 



132 APPENDIX. 

facts of the case. In Eroiidelle (page 47) we 
read as follows : 

" True it is that a aea Captaine, named lohn 
Alfonse, o^ A^aintonge, in the relation of his adven- 
turous voiages, hath written, that hauing passed 
Saint John's Hand (whicli I take for the same 
that I haue called heeretofore the Isle oi Bacaillos) 
"the coast turneth to the West, and West South- 
west, as far as the riuer of Norumbergu, newly 
discovered (saith he) by the Portugais and Span- 
iards, which is in 30 degrees : adding that this 
riuer hath, at the entrie thereof many lies, bankes 
and rockes, and that fifteen or twenty leagues 
within it is built a great towne where the people 
be small and blackish like them of the Indies, 
and are clothed with skinnes whereof they haue 
abundance of all sorts. Item that the bank of 
NewFoundland endeth there : and that the riuer 
being passed, the coast turneth to the West and 
West North w^est, aboue 250 leagues towards a 
countrie where there is both townes and castels." 
But I see very little or no truth at all in all the 
discourses of this man ; and well may he call his 
voiges adventurous, not for him, who was never 
in the hundreth part of the places he describeth 
(at least it is easy so to thinke) but for those that 
will follow the wais which he willeth mariners 
to follow. For if the said riuer of Norombega be 
in thirty degrees, it must needs be iu Florida, 



APPENDIX. 133 

which is contrarie to all of them that have ever 
written of it, and to the verie truth itselfe." [Les- 
carbot's Nouvelle France, p. 495). Now this might 
at first seem conclusive, yet we must remember 
that it is not Allfonsce that he quotes from but 
the travesty upon his Hydrography, worked up 
with spicy additions, and alterations after his 
death. The removal of ]!^orumbega to the lati- 
tude of 30° N"., is only equaled by Hakluyt's 
blunder by which he makes the pilot speak of 
the region of St. Lawrence as a country produc- 
ing /^rs. 

But if Allfonsce had actually written in this way 
in regard to Norumbega and the region in gene- 
ral, lie certainly would have been entitled to no 
credit; yet it must be remembered that Lescar- 
bot really knew nothing of this navigator, who is 
not at all responsible for the " Adventurous 
Voyages" passed off under his name. The ex- 
tract given from his Hydrography, on page 93, 
shows that he limits the southern border of Nor- 
umbega to about latitude 42° N"., and therefore 
the statement of the Adventurous Voyages, which 
puts the river in latitude 30° N., is not his. 

This statement of the compiler is equaled only 
by the blunder of Hakluyt (see ante, p. 99), who 
transports the fig tree from Yucatan to the banks 
of the St. Lawrence. 



134 APPENDIX. 

And it is a very noticeable fact that the Que- 
bec Literary and Historical Society has per- 
petuated the blunders of Hakluyt, by turning his 
translation back into French. Hence on page 
86 of Voyages da Descouverter cm Canada, we find 
that country spoken of as follows : et ceiie ierre 
peui produir'e des Figues et des Poires. 

While these things stand on record it will be 
idle for any one to attempt to impeach Jean All- 
fonsce, especially in his latitudes, as his perfect 
knowledge of the astrolabe rendered his calcu- 
lations every way worthy of trust. 

VI. 

Page 102. — The voyage of Maldonado is here 
referred to in the note, and it is interesting to 
observe in that connection that the ideas of the 
Spaniards were often very confused on the sub- 
ject of Baccalaos. In the French edition of Go- 
mera (1569, page 49), we read : 

" There is a large tract of land that projects 
itself pointwise into the sea, which tract is called 
Baccaleos. Its greatest altitude is forty-four and 
a half degrees." 

VII. 
Page 111. — The author expected ere this, to 
have received a copy of Allfonsce's work, made 
from the original manuscript, which probably 



APPENDIX. 135 

shows the extent of his observations on the New 
England coast. That he visited Maine appears 
not unlikely, for the reason that some knowledge 
of the physical characteristics of Penobscot bay 
is attributed to him in the extract by Lescarbot. 

"We also find a good reason why he should 
have visited the entire JSTew England coast, in 
the fact that Roberval was entitled to this whole 
region by the terms of his patent. One of the 
titles conferred upon him by the king of France 
was "Lord of Norumbega." Mr. Parkraan, in 
his Pioneers of New France (p. 197), disputes this, 
and cites a copy of Roberval's commission, made 
from the original, which does not allude to it, 
and suggests that the titles were invented by 
Charlevoix " for the sake of their bearing on the 
boundary disputes with England in his own day." 
But he is very properly reminded by Mr. Shea, 
in his Charlevoix (p. 129), that he has confounded 
the commission with patent. The latter is given in 
full by Lescarbot (p. 397, ed. 1618). 

Roberval was, according to the royal authority, 
" Lord of Norumbega," and thus the priority of ^^^ 
English patents of the New England coast is tech- 
nically quashed. Allfonsce in visiting the coast 
probably had reference to his employer's interests. 
Yet, while we are certain that he visited Massa- 
chusetts bay, we cannot just now positively aflirm 
anything more. 



136 APPENDIX. 



VIII. 

Page 113. — The proof of Cartier's fourth voy- 
age is not so clear as might be wished. ISTor does 
it show that Cartier performed any other office 
than that of a messenger. So far as the account 
goes, Roberval may have had a ship with him, in 
which he returned without receiving any aid 
from Cartier. We learn of this matter from the 
accounts of the difficulties that occurred in the 
way of settlement between the two leaders after 
their return, when Francis the First appointed 
Robert Legoupil arbiter of the case. Ferland 
says in his Cours d'Histoire (p. 45) that 

" According to Lescarbot, Francis I, unable to 
send the aid solicited, and desiring to employ 
Roberval in the army, conveyed his will to him 
through Jacques Cartier, who was ordered to 
undertake a fourth voyage to Canada, to bring 
back to France the wretched remnants of the 
colony. Official documents inform us that this 
voyage lasted eight months." 

The documents upon which he bases his opi- 
nion are those contained in the publication of the 
Quebec Literary and Historical Society for 1862. 
Alluding to Cartier, they speak of " Eight months 
that he has been to return and bring the said 
Roberval in the said Canada." And again, of 
" having set out in the fall of 1543 on his fourth 



APPENDIX. 137 

voyage Cartier would have wintered in Canada, 
and would have left it at the end of April or in 
the beginning of May, 1544." Thevet reports 
that Roberval was murdered in Paris. 



IX. 

Page 113. — According to the Quebec Literary 
and Historical Society's publications, 1862 (p. 
113), M. Manet, author of Biographie des Maloidns 
Celebres, holds : 

" That lioberval after restoring his fort sent 
Jean Alphonse de Xaintonge north of New 
Foundland to seek a passage to the Indies [see 
ante p. 104.] The latter ran up as far as 52° E"., and 
went no farther. We are not told how long he 
was engaged on this voyage, but we may conjec- 
ture that he found de Roberval no longer in Ca- 
nada, inasmuch as he makes a report to Jacques 
Cartier." 

On this the Quebec editor remarks : 

"If the Pilot John Alphonse made a report of 
his discoveries to Cartier, it must have been on a 
fourth voyage made by the latter in the summer 
of 1543, or after his return to Brittany." 

But in regard to this report by Allfonsce to 

Cartier we at present know nothing ; while on 

page, 105 we have already shown that the voyage 

to the north must, with good reason, have been 

18 



138 APPENDIX. 

made in the summer of 1542, as after that time 
Eoberval could have had no ship to spare. M. 
Manet's remark, that, on his return, Allfonsce 
found Roberval gone, therefore, has no foundation, 
and indicates that M. Manet really knew nothing 
about the matter. At least he gives no authority 
for his opinion, which leaves us to infer that he 
had none to give. 



X. 

In connection with this subject, a point brought 
forward in the volume devoted to the Popham 
Celebration may be properly noticed. Mr. Se- 
wall says: 

"Monhegan, signifying an island of the main, 
earliest appears in the panorama of the historic 
scene of English life and enterprise on New Eng- 
land shores. Pedro Menedez, Governor of Flo- 
rida, in dispatches forwarded by him to the 
Court of Spain, [1588] tells PhiUp II, ' that in 
July of the year, the English were inhabiting an 
island in latitude 43°, eight leagues from the 
land, where the Indians were very numerous.' 
It was the story of ' Carlos Morea, a Spaniard, 
who had learned the facts in London and com- 
municated them to Menedez.' There can hardly 
be a doubt that Monhegan Island was the spot 
occupied by these English dwellers in the Kew 



APPENDIX. 139 

World. Indeed it was only in August, three 
3'ear8 before, that near this spot, the largest ship 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert struck." 

The author of the above was led into error by 
mistaking the language of Bancroft, who puts 
the place of the shipwreck not south of " the lati- 
tude of Wiscasset," without giving the longitude. 
Gilbert's first ship was lost on the Isle of Sable, 
east of Nova Scotia. (See Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 
164, ed. 1600.) 

As regards the other point, we see, by referring 
to the full relation, that it was simply a sailor's 
report, and undoubtedly grew out of the accounts 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage and the at- 
tempts that preceded it. Besides, we have no 
further report on the subject, though Menedez 
says that he had already sent a ship to reconnoitre 
the coast as far as San Juan, in latitude 39° IST., 
and promises to write again should anything be- 
come known. He speaks as follows : 

" There is a sailor, Carlos Morea, who says it 
is certain that, in the island of San Juan, near the 
Bacallaos, the English have a settlement ; for two 
years ago, being in London, a vessel arrived there, 
on which came a friend of his, who told him 
positively that they were inhabiting an island, in 
forty-three degrees of latitude, eight leagues from 
the main land ; that there were great numbers 
of Indians there, of which he also feels certain. 



140 APPENDIX. 

I will inform your majesty how it is in the man- 
ner stated." 

It may also be added that the sailor himself 
appears uncertain of his latitude, by seeming to 
make the island in question that of San Juan. 
(See Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson, p. 47). 
Note also that the Spanish used "Baccaleos" 
loosely ; that Monhegan is ten miles, instead of 
eight leagues from the land. The sailor probably 
meant Nantucket. Mr. Buckingham Smith ori- 
ginally translated the statement, but framed no 
theory on the subject. 



INDEX. 



Acadie, 72, 73. 

Affonsi, Joannis, 131, see 
Allfonsce. 

Agassiz, 85 n. 

Agguncia, 66, 128. 

Agoncy, 64, 66. 

Allefonsce, see Allfonsce. 

Allfonsce, sonnet to, Frontis- 
piece ; pilot of Roberval, 92 ; 
went to Canada, 92, 113 ; his 
Hydrography, 92, 93, 108; 
views of north-west passage, 
94 ; sailed under the Portu- 
guese, 95 ; discovered Mas- 
sachusetts bay, 96, 105 ; 
voyage to the north, 105 ; 
time at sea, 107 ; place of 
birth, 108 ; in prison, 108 ; 
time of death, 108 ; his eu- 
logist, 109 ; high character, 
110 ; in advance of his 
times. 111 ; biography of, 
112 ; claimed by the Portu- 
guese, 113 ; his Ruttier, 114, 
119 ; French origin, 115 ; 
Avantureux voyages, 116, 
119 ; date of Hydrography, 
118 ; Cosmography, 119, 
120; place of death, 120; 
sailed in Portuguese vessels, 
121 ; left Portuguese ser- 
vice, 121 ; 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 
102, 103, 129, 131, 132, 134, 
137. 



Alphonse, lohu, 97, 107, see 
Allfonsce. 

American Antiquarian Society, 
35 7i. 

Angouleme, 72, 73. 

Angouleme, the bishoii of, 
109 71. 

Annals of Florida, 61. 

Antarctic France, Singulari- 
ties of, 74, 130. 

Antiquitates Americanse, quot- 
ed, 11, 15, 16, 26, 27. 

Appendix, 123. 

Arembec, 49, 50, 51, see No- 
rumbega. 

Arias, Gomez, 102 n. 

Arnae-Magnean Collection, 18. 

Arnodie, 69, 70, 71. 

Asia, 41, 97. 

Asturies, 115. 

Atlantic, the south, 76. 

Aymard, Vincent, 117. 

Baccalaos, 52, 60, 71, 102 n, 

134, 139, 140. 
Bancroft, Mr., 125, 139. 
Barcia, 61. 
Bardsen, chronicle of, 32, 34, 

37, 38. 
Barry, his history, 91. 
Bay of Fundv, 14, 73. 
Bear Island, "15, 17, 19. 
Bear killed, 15. 
Bearse, Mr. J. Y., 87 n, 88 n. 



142 



INDEX. 



Belle Isle, 97. 
Beriali's ledge, 87 n. 
Buldle, 58 /i, 58 n, 98 ?^. 
Biograpliie Universelle, 74. 
Bishop Eric, 26, 27. 
Bisselin, Oliver, 116, 118. 
Blue Hills, 83. 
Blunt's Coast Pilot, 24. 
Boston, 9, 21, 24. 
Boston Harbor, 24, 25. 
Brattahlid, 87 ;*-. 
Brazil, 108, 180. 
Brereton, 91. 
Bretons, 72. 

Brevoort, J. Carson, 94 n. 
Brunet, 117. 
Buzzard's Bay, 20, 24. 
Byffd, East, of Greenland, 83, 
35. 

Cabot, 54, 58 n, 101. 

Cabots, the, 91. 

Camden Hills, 67. 

Canada, 64, 69, 97, 128. 

Cape Ann, 96. 

Cape Arenas, 71 n, 90. 

Cape Breton, 42, 45, 47, 49, 51, 

55, 71. 
Cape Cod, 6, 7, 9, 10, 13, 15, 

17, 19, 20, 42, 71 H, 82, 84, 

85, 85 n, 87, 89 n, 90, 96. 
Cape de Bas, 50, 56, 57. 
Cape De Bas Harbor, 50. 
Cape de Mucha isles, 67. 
Cape de Sper, 51. 
Cape Farewell, 38. 
Cape of the Isles, 67. 
Cape Sable, 14. 
Cape St. Mary, 90. 
Carpont, 97. 
Cartier, Jacques, 100, 113, 129, 

136. 
Cathay, 95. 

Charlevoix, Pere, 103, 115, 135. 
Chatham, 87 n. 
Chicora, 58. 
China, 52. 



Clay Pounds, 89 «. 
Cognac, 105, 115, 116. 
Cosa, map of, 41, 42. 
Cosmographie Universelle, 45, 

64. 
Courtmanche, 131. 
Crabb's ledge, 87 n. 
Crignon, Pierre, 44, 45. 
Crosses, Tliorvald's, 9, 10. 
Crossness, 9. 
Cortereal, 91. 
Cortez, 62. 

Danes, 85 n. 

Danish government, expedi- 
tion of, 83. 

Darien, 130. 

Davezac, M., 93, 100, 112. 

De Prato, 56. 

Dieppe, 44. 

Discovery, north-western, 57. 

Doane, Mr. John, 85 n, 86. 

Domiuvis Vobiscum, 49. 

Donnacoua, 131. 

Drake, his history of Boston, 
92. 

Drogeo, 40, 41. 

East Indies, 104, 115. 
Eastham, 86 n. 
Edouard du Paz, 121. 
Einersfiord, 86. 
El Pico, 61 n. 
Eleste, 38. 
England, 57, 58. 
England, King of, 62, n. 
English ship, 53, 62. 
Englishmen, first in Maine, 

52. 
Eric, Saga of, 18. 
Ericsfiord, 87. 
Ericson, Thorvald, 82. 
Erondelle, 132. 
Europeans, first on coast of 

Maine, 25. 
Exi)lorations in Greenland, 33. 
Explorers of America, 40. 



INDEX. 



143 



Ferland, 136. 

Fig Tree, 99 n. 

Finnboge, 27, 28. 

Fioll, 28. 

Fishing vessels, 50, 55. 

Fjeld, 23. 

Florida, 45, 49, 63, 64, 75, 77, 

94, 98, 99, 132. 
Fluvium Lande, 36. 
Folsom, his History, 90. 
Fox Island, 66. 
France, 105. 
Francis I, 136. 
French Pilots, 72. 
Freydis, 26, 27, 28. 

Garda, 37 n. 
Gastaldi, 45, 65. 
Genriu, M. Leon, 118. 
Geographic, Bvilletin of, 112. 
Georges, shoals of, 42, 88 n, 

89 n, 90. 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 45, 

78,91,101,139. 
Goodwin Sands, 89, n. 
Gosnold, 85 n, 86, 88 7i, 90, 

91, 96. 
Graali, Captain, Expedition of, 

33 
Grand Bay, 97. 
Grand River, 64. 
Green Mountains, 67. 
Greenland, 8 ; names of, 30, 

31, 32 ; settled, 32 ; lost, 32, 

34, 35 n, 38, 39, 77, 84. 
Gronlandia Antic^ua, 84. 
Gudrida, 7. 

GulfofMaine, 7, 21, 22. 
Gulf Stream, 56. 
Gurnet Point, 9, 10. 

Hakluyt, 41, 42, 46, 47, 48, 51, 
57, 58, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 
107, 113, 115, 119, 120, 132, 
139. 

Havre, 75. 

Heimskringla, 126. 



Helge, 27, 28. 

Helluland, 15, 18. 

Henlestate, 38. 

Henry VIII, 41. 

Heriulfsness, 36, 37, n. 

Herrera, 52, 54, 58, 59. 

Hien, 36. 

Highland Light, 89, n. 

Honfleur, 120. 

Hop, 22, 23, 24. 

Huarfs, 38. 

Hudson, Henry, 140 ; Sailing 

Directions of, 38 n. 
Hudson river, 67. 

Iceland, 21. 

Imperial Library of Paris, 92. 

Indians, 61. 

Island, 15, 17, 19. 

Isle Nauset, 85 n. 

Isle of Demons, 76, 83. 

Isle of St. Croix, 71. 

Isle Thevet, 71. 

Islesboro, 67. 

Italy, 59. 

James Head, 87 n. 
Jticher, his Lexicon, 74, 75. 
Juan Florentin, 61. 
Judi, 69. 

Karlsefne, Thorfinn, 6, 7, 8, 9, 
^10, 15, 18,20,22,26,42,83. 

Kennebec, 14. 

Kialarness, 6, 7, 10, 1 1 , 15, 20, 21 . 

King Henry VIII, 50, 58. 

Kohl, Dr. J. H., 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 
11, 12, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 
23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 40, 42, 
45, 48, 52, 53, 56, 63, 74, 78, 
79, 81, 84, 92, 101, 125. 

Labadists, 86, 130. 
Labrador, 15, 104, 105. 
Lancaster Sound, 39. 
Landuama, 126. 
Lardner, Dr., 98 n. ' 



144 



INDEX. 



La Roquette, 76. 

Lebrija, 113. 

Le Cierc, 103. 

Legoupil, Robert, 136. 

Leif, 8. 

Lelewell, 81 ; his Moyan Age, 
36, 37, 38, 40. 

Lery, his Brazil, 75. 

Lescarbot, 127, 129, 135, 136. 

Lodmundfiord, 37, n. 

Loug Island, 66, 67. 

Long Island Historical Soci- 
ety of, 87, 94, n. 

Lord of Norumbega, 135. 

MacDonald, 134. 

Madoc, 91. 

Maine, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 
17, 20, 102 11 ; expedition to, 
21 ; country of, 22, 25, 40, 41, 
83, 111. 

Maine Historical Society, 5. 

Maldonado, 101. 

Malebarre. 89. 

Mallard, Thomas, 118. 

Manamoit point, 87 n, 88 n. 

Manet, M., 137. 

Maps, of Cape Cod, 89 ; Span- 
ish and Portuguese, 90 ; Ice- 
landic, 41 ; Cosa's, 41. 

Margry, M. Pierre, 93, 94, 95, 
99 n, 100, 103, 110, 112. 119. 

Markland, 6, 7, 12, 15, 16, 17, 
25 11. 

Marnef, Jean de, 116, 118. 

Marot, 109. 

Martha's Vineyard, 88 n. 

Martyr, Peter, 44. 

Mary of Guilford, 42, 47, 48, 
52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 62. 

Massachusetts Bay, 100, 104 ; 
discovery of, 80 ; by the 
Northmen ; by Karlsefne, 
83 ; sliown by map of Steph- 
anius, 84, 92 ; by Allfonsce, 
92, 95 ; date of his disco- 
very, 107. 



Massacre by Freydis, 38. 
Menedoz, Pedro, 138. 
Mercator, 34, 67. 
Meta Incognita, 48. 
Mexico, 72, 77, 130. 
Milton Blue Hills, 23, 25. 
Monhegan, Isle of, 138. 
Montana Verde, 67. 
Monument to Verrazano, 60. 
Morea, Carlos, 138, 139. 
Morse, his Gazetteer, 87 n. 
Mount Desert, 68, 70, 128. 
Mount Hope Bay, 23. 
Munder, 37 ii. 

Nantucket, 42, 87, 88, 140. 

Nauset Beach, 80 n. 

Nauset Harbor, 57 n. 

Nestorian bishop, 76. 

New Brunswick, 51, 65, 73. 

New Castile, 61 ii. 

New England, 27, 40, 45, 46, 

72, 81 ; coast, 100. 
New Foundland, 42, 46, 47, 

48, 49, 50, 51, 60, 63, 103, 

115, 132. 
New France, 44, 98. 99. 
New Hampshire, 17. 
New Hampshire, 65. 
New-land, 104. 
Newport, 101 n. 
Newport Mill, 27. 
New York, 101 n. 
New York, bay of, 106. 
North American Review, 125. 
North Carolina, 53. 
Normans, 55. 

Northern Antiquarians, 38. 
Northmen, the, 22, 82, 84, 101, 

126. 
North-west passage, 50. 
Norumbega, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 

48, 49, 60, 65, 76, 98, 127, 

130, 132, 135. 
Nova Scotia, 6, 7, 12, 13, 14, 

16, 17, 18, 19, 45, 46, 57, 

96. 



INDEX. 



145 



Ortelius, 34. 
Oviedo, 53, 54. 
Oyse, the river, 138. 

Palfrey, liis History, 81, 91. 
Parkman, 135. 
Pemptegoet, 128. 
Penobscot river, 45, 64, 66, 70. 
Pentagruel, the Prince, 107, 

111. 
Peru, 130. 

Piedmont,pilotof,53,58, 60,117. 
Pinello, Antoine de Leon, 119. 
Pirate, 62 n. 
Piscataqua, 79. 
Plymoiith, 9, 20, 21, 83. 
Point Care, 85 n, 87 n. 
Point Gilbert, 86, 87 n, 89 w. 
Poitiers, 108, 111. 
Pcrto Rico, 52, 54, 55, 57, 58. 
Portugal, 123. 
Provincetown, 21. 
Purchas, 49, 51. 
Pyrenees, the, 115. 

Quebec, 103, 133 ; Literary So- 
ciety of, 134, 136. 

Rabelais, 109, 129. 

Race Point, 21. 

Rafn, 12, 24, 37. 

Ramusio, 44, 58, 61. 

Rhode Island, 7, 30, 21. 

Ribero, 63. 

Rio Janerio, 74. 

Roberval, 97, 103, 104, 105, 106, 

113, 114, 115. 139, 135, 163. 
Rochelle, 103, 113. 
Ronsard, the poet, 119 n. 
Rouen, 118. 
Ruscelli, 90. 
Rut, John, 43, 47, 51, 53, 54, 

56, 57, 59, 60, 65, 98 n, 101. 
Rye Beach, 65. 



Saga, 31, 35, 43, 83, 136. 
Saguenay, 95, 103. 



19 



Saine Tcrre, M., 107. 
Saingelais, the Shade of, 117. 
St. Croix, 73, 79. 
St. Domingo, 57. 
Saint-Gelais, Mellin de, 106, 

109 n, 117. 
St. German, 57. 
Saint Jehan des Pretz street, 

120. 
St. John's, 50, 55, 56, 57, 60, 

103, 105. 
St. Juan, 53. 

St. Lawrence, 46, 100, 106. 
St. Malo, 131. 

Saint Marthe, Scevole de, 117. 
St. Thomas, 40 n. 
Saintonge, province of, 115. 
Saintongeois, poet, 117. 
Sampson, the, 43, 48, 51, 56, 

57. 
San Antonio, 67. 
San Juan, 139. 
Santona, 115. 
Schoodic Point, 67. 
Sea-Kings of Norway, 126. 
Secalart, Paulin, 130, 131. 
Sewall, Mr., 138. 
Shea, 131, 135. 
Situate Harbor, 24. 
Skolnus, 91. 
Slut's Bush, 86, 87. 
Smith, Buckingham, 61 n, 140. 
Solis, Jean Diaz de, 113, 133. 
South America, 73, 74. 
Southey, his Brazil, 74, ?i.. 
Spain, 63. 
Spaniards, 53 
Stephanius, Sigurdus, his 

map, 84, 89 n. 
Stevens, Mr., 41, 61. 
Straumfiord, 30, 34. 
Sturleson, Snorre, 126. 
Surveys, geological, 43. 

Tartary, 94, 97. 
Thevet, Andre, 03, 64, 65, 66, 
67, 68, 73, 78, 101, 137, 139. 
■O 



146 



INDEX. 



Torfiieus, work on Old Green- 
land, 32, 33, 34. 

Tliorfinn, account of, 18 ; nar- 
rative of, 18, 24. 

Thorhall, 20, 21, 83. 

Thorlacius, Theodore, 34, 39. 

Thome, 41 , 58. 

Thorvald, 8, 9, 28. 

Two Chateaux, 76. 

Unipeds, 83, 131. 
United States, 47. 
Utopia, 110. 

Varnhajjen, M. de, 121. 

Vega, Garcilaso de la, 102 n. 

Venice, 111. 

Verra, 11, 106. 

Verrazano, 58, 59, 61, 89 n, 

101. 
VillefTagnon, 75 n. 
Vinland, 7, 8, 20, 25 n, 26, 27, 

28, 89. 



Visscher's map, 90. 
Voyage of John Rut, 42. 
Vunienot, Maugis, 117, 119, 
120. 

Webb's Island, 87 n. 
Weirs, 76. 

West Indies, 44, 55, 56. 62. 
Williamson's History of Maine, 

66. 
Wonderstrand, 20. 
Woomskiold, 33. 
Wytfliet's Ptolemaice Ang- 

mentum, 68, 129. 

Yucatan, 99 n, 132. 

Zeni, the, 32 ; map of, 32, 34 n, 

35, 36, 37, 38, 42, 91. 
Zeno, Antonio, 30, 39. 
Zeno Brothers, 30. 
Zeno, Nicolo, 80. 
Zurla, 38. 



ERRATA. 

Pa^e 12 line seven, for indti f, read indtU ; for vtqve, read vsqne. 
Page 32, line ten, for to rujliiiij applij, read, to apply rightly. 
Page 62, note, for clothes, read dutlis. 
Page 80, line twelve, for has, read have. 
Page 88, note, for Mass., read N. E. 



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